text: 亞伯拉罕·林肯於1865年3月4日星期六在第二任美國總統就職儀式期間發表了他的第二次就職演說。正值南北戰爭勝利在望、奴隸制即將終結的時候，林肯談論的不是幸福，而是悲傷。一些人認為這次演講是林肯對其務實的重建路線的辯護，他試圖提醒他的聽眾，四年前戰爭開始時雙方都錯誤地判斷了局勢，所以接下來也不應嚴苛地對待被擊敗的南方。雖然了否定了勝利主義，林肯依然指出了奴隸制的明顯邪惡性。 該演說與葛底斯堡演說一起被銘刻在林肯紀念堂內。演說辭.Fellow-Countrymen:國民們：At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of this great conflict which is of primary concern to the nation as a whole, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.在這第二次宣誓就職總統儀式上，就不需第一次時的那種長篇演說了。當時，對所要採取的政策作一點詳細說明，似乎是合適且恰當的。現在，四年任期屆滿，在這期間於戰爭的每個重要時刻和階段──這場戰爭至今仍為舉國所關注、並且佔用了國家的大部分力量──我都經常釋出公告，現在也沒有什麼新內容可以講的。我們的軍事進展，是一切其他問題的關鍵所在，大家對其情形和我一樣明瞭，而且我相信進展的情況可以使我們全體人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然將來很有希望，那麼我也無須在這方面冒昧預言。On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.四年前，在與此相同的時刻，所有人的思想都焦慮地集中在一場即將來臨的內戰上。誰都害怕內戰，都想盡辦法去避免它。當我在這個地方作就職演說時，我曾想盡量不訴諸戰爭而儲存聯邦，然而反叛分子的代理人卻在城裡四處活動，企圖以不打仗的方式摧毀聯邦──他們力圖以談判的方式來瓦解聯邦、分裂國家。雙方都聲稱反對戰爭，可是有一方寧願打仗也不願讓國家存續，另一方則寧願接受戰爭也不願讓國家毀滅。於是就有了戰爭。One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."我們全國人口的八分之一是黑奴，他們並不是遍佈於全國，而是區域性地分佈於南方。這些奴隸形成一種特殊而重大的利益。大家都知道這種利益可說是這場戰爭的原因。為了加強、永久保持並擴大這種利益，反叛分子會不惜以戰爭來分裂聯邦，而政府只不過要限制這種利益擴張到更多區域。當初，任何一方都沒有想到戰爭會發展到目前這麼大的範圍、持續這麼長的時間，也沒有料到衝突的原因會隨衝突本身的終止而終止，甚至在衝突本身終止以前就終止。雙方都在尋求一個較輕易的勝利，都不期盼有什麼根本性的或驚人的結果。雙方都誦讀同一本聖經，向同一個上帝祈禱，甚至都祈求同一個上帝的幫助以對抗另一方。人們竟敢要求一位公正的上帝來幫助他們奪取他人以血汗換來的麵包，這看來奇怪。可我們還是不要評判他人，以免受他人的評判。雙方的祈禱是無法得到回應的。雙方的祈願從沒全部如願以償。萬能的上帝自有他自己的意旨：“世界由於罪惡而受苦難，因為世界總是有罪惡的，然而那個作惡的人，要受苦難。”假如我們認為美國的奴隸制是這種罪惡之一，而這些罪惡按上帝的意志又在所難免，但既經持續了他所指定的一段時間，他現在便要消除這些罪惡。假如我們認為上帝把這場慘烈的戰爭加在南北雙方的頭上，作為對那些作惡的人的責罰，難道我們可以由此認為這有悖於虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些聖德嗎？我們殷切地希塑，熱忱地祈禱，但願這戰爭的重罰會很快過去。可是，假使上帝要讓戰爭再繼續下去，直到二百五十年來奴隸無償勞動所積聚的財富化為烏有，並像三千年前人們所說的那樣，直至被鞭苔所流的每一滴血為刀劍下流的每一滴血所償付為止，那麼，我仍必須說，“主的典章真實，全然公義”。With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.對任何人都不懷惡意，對所有人都心懷慈悲；上帝讓我們看到正確的，我們就堅定選擇那正確的。讓我們繼續奮鬥，以完成我們正在進行的工作，去彌合國家的創傷，去照顧艱苦作戰的戰士和他們的遺孀遺孤，盡一切努力去實現並維護我們自己之間以及我國與他國之間的公正而持久的和平。
metadata: erhwenkuo/wikipedia-zhtw
metadata: 亞伯拉罕·林肯的第二次就職演說
metadata: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7637088