[Stage Direction]
The House proceeded to the consideration of His Excellency's Speech at the opening of the session.
Mr. ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL (West York).: The very pleasant task Mr. Speaker, has been assigned me to-day of moving a humble address to His Excellency in reply to the Speech from the Throne, and I desire at the outset to express my appreciation of the great honour which has thus been conferred, not so much upon myself as upon the county of West York, for I believe that this is the first time since confed-


Sir WILFRID LAURIER.: eration that to a representative of that county in this House has this honourable duty been intrusted. And while I recognize my inability to perform it as creditably as I would like, or as the occasion demands, I am sure that I will receive from both sides of the House that kind indulgence and consideration which has always been granted to young members.
In the first paragraph of the address I am sure we will all join heartily. I am sure we are all united in expressing our gratitude to Divine Providence for the benefits conferred upon this Dominion during the past year, especially the magnificent harvest which has blessed in particular our great North-west, and diffused gladness and prosperity throughout this Dominion, not only in the North-west but in the other provinces has Divine Providence been kind to us in the past year, and certainly if ever we should express our gratitude to the Giver of all good gifts, we ought to do so on the present occasion.
The address naturally refers to the visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales to this country. We are indeed glad to know that their Royal Highnesses carried away with them most pleasant recollections of their visit. Indeed I think that no event in the history of confederation has so stirred the hearts of our people and evoked such an outburst of loyalty to the person and throne of the representative of the illustrious line of sovereigns who have guided the destinies of the empire, as this visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales. We are glad to know that from the momeut they landed upon the historic soil of the old city of Quebec-that soil rendered sacred by the memories of the conflict between the two great races now joined in friendship, that soil in where breathed their last, the one in the hour of victory, the other in the hour of defeat, the two great and noble warriors, personifying the chivalry and valour of the two great nationalities in this country, now living in peace and harmony, and working together shoulder to shoulder for the unification and solidification of this mighty Dominion-we are glad to know that from the moment of landing until departure, the reception which their Royal Highnesses received was one calculated to make them carry away most pleasant recollections. And it is gratifying to our pride as a portion of the empire to reflect that although the Prince and Princess of Wales made the tour of the world, and although they travelled in countries peopled by different nationalities, speaking different languages, yet everywhere they went was British territory and everywhere they were greeted by that grand old flag which for a thousand years has braved the battle and the breeze.
And in all these countries, though the people may speak different languages from that which we speak, and although their religion may be different from ours, yet, from

the bottom of their hearts the prayer went up for the preservation of their royal visitors, and that grand old anthem, so dear to the hearts of Canadians, ' God Save the King,' was sung as fervently as it would he in Great Britain itself. It must have been a revelation to their Royal Highnesses to realize the vastness of this mighty empire, the destinies of which they will, some day, be called upon to guide. Though we all hope that the day is far distant when His Majesty Edward VII., shall pass away, yet we know that the time must come when the sceptre shall pass into other hands; and it is pleasant indeed for the people of this country, having had some opportunity to gain knowledge of the character and disposition of those who, in future years, will rule over this empire, to know that they are of a kingly race and that they are fitted, eminently fitted, to fill the lofty position that some day, they will be called upon to fill.
The Speech from the Throne naturally refers to the assassination of President McKinley. I am sure, sir, that the people of this country, in common with those of all nations, will rejoice to know that this government proposes to join in measures that will prevent such diabolical crimes as that which was lately committed in the United States, and I am sure that this House will learn with pleasure that measures in this direction will soon be submitted to it.
The returns of the census are, naturally, a subject of very great importance to the people. And, while, for myself, I am somewhat disappointed at those returns, having felt that we had reason to believe that the population of Canada had increased at a greater ratio than is shown to have been the case by the official figures presented to vis, yet, I believe that the last few years have shown that the population of this Dominion is increasing at a rapid rate. All the evidences known to us, the general prosperity of the country, the stream of immigration that is going into the great North-west, the filling up of our towns and the cities-all these lead us to believe that within the last few years our population has been rapidly increasing and that when the next census is taken it will show a much larger ratio of increase than the census whose figures have just been made known. I am glad that the papers will be laid before us, and that there will be an opportunity of discussing this matter more fully at a later day.
Naturally, the application of the Canadian Pacific Railway for the right to increase their capital by some $20,000,000, is one that could not be passed over without comment in the Speech from the Throne. For my part. I consider it another evidence of the great prosperity of the country that a road penetrating all the parts of the Dominion, with its branch lines completing a great system, should find it necessary to double-track large port ions of the line and make other extensive improvements to provide for the
enormous amount of traffic that is offering. The necessity of providing for this additional traffic having arisen, it is natural that the company should seek power to add to its capital stock. But I am sure that the House will be glad to know that the government have been guarding the interests of the people and that the addition of $20,000,000 to the company's capital will not affect injuriously the government's right to control the rates. Everybody knows that, under the bargain made with the Canadian Pacific Railway, the Governor General in council had no control over the rates of tolls on the traffic of the road until the company had earned a dividend of ten per cent on its capital. The question naturally arose : What is the capital of the Canadian Pacific Railway ? We all know that the authorized capital was $65,000,000 ; and added to that, they had a large bond issue. Questions arose whether the amount of money they raised on these bonds should be considered part of their capital or not, and also whether their authorized capital of $65,000,000 should be considered, for this purpose, at its face value, or at the amount that the company received for it. I am sure that hon. members are all glad to know that these long-pending difficulties and differences of opinion are now to be settled in a practical way by the courts of the land. I believe that, before long, a solution of that difficult question will be arrived at which will be satisfactory to the people of this Dominion. The prospect of such a solution, I am sure, will be gratifying to the House.
The wonderful invention of Marconi, in his wireless telegraphy, is one that is of vast importance to us, and I am glad to know that the government has made arrangements by which Signor Marconi can continue his operations on the coast of Nova Scotia. If he is successful, as I hope and believe he will be-and who can tell in this age of invention, in this age of wonderful development, what the future has in store for us ?-his invention will redound to the great credit of this Dominion and will enable us to make arrangements for sending messages across the ocean at very much lower rates than those now in force. I feel sure that the government, in making arrangements with Signor Marconi, has done a thing in the best interests of the people.
The success of Canadian exhibitors at the various industrial exhibitions that have taken place is a matter also of the utmost importance to the people of this country. It is gratifying indeed to know that our success in these great exhibitions, notably at Paris, at the Pan-American at Buffalo, and at Glasgow, lias been so great as to assure us of practical results of vast interest to the people. At the Paris Exposition, Canadian exhibitors won 45 grand prizes, 87 gold medals, 105 silver medals, 85 bronze medals, and 48 honourable mention diplomas, a total of 370. And. at the Pan-American at Buf-

falo, the results have been almost as good. At that Exposition, Canadian exhibitors won 21 gold medals, 33 silver medals, 38 bronze medals, and 88 honourable mention diplomas-a total of 180 prizes and diplomas for Canada. The live stock entered by United States exhibitors at Buffalo comprised 546 animals, and the exhibitors were awarded prizes to the amount of $4,368.40. From the Dominion of Canada we sent 344 animals, yet our exhibitors carried off prizes to the amount of $3,141.60, a very much larger proportion than that of the* United States exhibitors. I need not take the time to give the details in other cases. The exhibitors at the fair in Glasgow were able to carry off a great many prizes, and got high awards for the excellence of their exhibits. And what is better, they were able to make sales of their furniture, of their carriages, of their agricultural implements, and especially of bacon. The House is no doubt aware that we have sold very little bacon in Scotland, but after the exhibition took place, and after the quality and excellence of Canadian bacon became known there, enormous orders were given to the Wm. Davies Co., of Toronto, and to other companies, and they have been enabled to make large sales, and have placed upon the markets in Scotland a large quantity of the excellent bacon which they are producing from our Canadian pork. But in other lines also Canadian manufacturers have been enabled to sell a large quantity of their goods in consequence of the exhibition that was held in Glasgow. So I think that the three exhibitions we have held in the places I have mentioned, have proved of enormous advantage to the people of this country. They have advertised Canada as it was never advertised before, and have brought our goods into competition with those of the rest of the world ; they have shown that the people of this young Dominion are able to carry off a great number of prizes in competition with the wide world ; they have shown that our people are energetic, are perfecting their machinery and their plant, and are able to produce articles that will compete successfully with the wide world.
The condition of the revenue, and especially the enormous exports and imports of this Dominion, naturally called for some comment from His Excellency. It must be exceedingly gratifying to the people of this vast Dominion, no matter to what political party they may belong, to know that their country is marching forward by leaps and bounds. One can scarcely realize	the enormous advance that has taken place during the last few years. Take, for instance, the trade of Canada, which is a very fair index of the prosperity of the country. In 1891, we find the foreign trade of Canada amounted to $218,284,934. In five years from 1891 to 1896, that trade made but slow progress. In 1896 our foreign trade


Archibald Campbell: amounted to $239,025,360, or an increase at the rate of about 9 per cent in those five years. But in 1896 a change came over the affairs of this country ; the shackles were taken off trade ; the wheels of commerce were set in motion ; and immediately Canada went forward by leaps and bounds. In 1891, 5 years afterwards, what do we find? The foreign trade of Canada rose from $239,000,000 to $386,900,000. Our foreign trade in those five years increased at the rate of 61 per cent, instead of 9 per cent as in the previous period of five years. But, Sir, notwithstanding that our foreign trade increased with this rapidity in the past five years, the end is not yet; and year by year, and month by month, we are able to report a steady increase ; and it must be gratifying to all true Canadians to know that this great Dominion, of which we are all so proud, is marching forward steadily and rapidly. Why, Sir, during the last seven months the foreign trade of this country has kept going forward. During the seven months ending with January last the foreign trade of this country has increased much more rapidly than it did during the corresponding months of the previous year, showing a gain of something like $18,555,000. This must be exceedingly gratifying to those who follow the course of public events in Canada.
Now, let us notice the character of this increase as regards the export of the products of Canada, as that is the feature with which we are more directly interested. In 1891 the exports of the products of Canada were only $88,000,000 in round numbers. In 1896 they had increased to $109,000,000, or at the rate of 24 per cent. In 1901 the exports of the products of Canada rose to $177,000,000, or an increase at the rate of 61 per cent. That increase has still been going on during the last seven months ; and I am satisfied that when we close the books on the 30th of June next, the foreign trade of Canada will show a great increase over that of last year, and that, in round numbers, it will amount to probably $425,000,000.
But our progress is not only shown by the increase in our exports and imports. Take, for instance, the amount of money deposited in our banks as the savings of the people. In 1891 the deposits in our savings banks amounted to $39,400,000. In 1896 they amounted to $46,799,000. In 1901, five years afterwards, they rose by $10,000,000, and amounted to $56,048,000. Then if we take the deposits of the people in the chartered banks, both those with notice and those without notice, you will find that the same gratifying increase has been going on. In 1891 the combined deposits in the chartered banks, with notice on demand and without notice, amounted to $142,631,000. In 1896 they rose to $183,769,000 ; and in 1901 they rose to $315,775,000.
I am sure, Sir, that it must be exceedingly gratifying to the people of this coun-

try to know that this young Dominion is making such marked progress. They rejoice to see the evidences that this progress is likely to continue, and that we are likely to go forward in our career of prosperity until ultimately we reach that high degree to which we believe this young Dominion is destined.
His Excellency also refers to the necessity of increasing the number of our commercial agencies in the different countries for the purpose of facilitating and developing our trade. I look upon that proposal with a great deal of satisfaction. I think the people of this country will hail with delight this move of the government and the reference of His Excellency to the necessity of increasing our commercial agencies throughout the world. We know that other countries, notably the American Republic to the south of us, have commerqjal agencies located in every principal town and city of this Dominion, and in other countries as well, while Canada has been depending upon the agents appointed by Great Britain who are not able to afford our manufacturers the advantages which the American government furnish to their manufacturers. I am sure that there is nothing the people of Canada will hail with greater delight than this reference of His Excellency to the necessity of increasing the number of commercial agencies and of making additional provision for these agencies.
Then, reference is also made to the fact of the Australian and New Zealand governments having accepted an invitation from this government to attend a conference in London next June, for the consideration of trade, transportation, cable and other matters of intercolonial concern. I think that this conference will be of enormous advantage to this Dominion. I hope the results that will flow from it will bind still closer and closer the bonds between Great Britain and her various colonies, and I am sure that those whom we send to represent us there will look well after our interests and will, I hope, be able to effect such arrangements with our sister colonies of Australia and New Zealand as will tend to the development of our trade and to the increase of the prosperity in this Dominion in accordance with the wishes expressed by His Excellency the Governor General.
I am also pleased to note that this government has reached the conclusion that a direct steamship service with South Africa would enable Canada to secure a profitable market for her various products, and that to that end will endeavour to arrange for such a service. I think that when the war, which is now going on in South Africa, is happily brought to a close-and we all hope that the end is not far distant -that, when the country is in a settled state again, when the war is over, and
when a grand South African confederation is established on the lines of this Dominion, there will be an enormous development of trade throughout that country and it is our bounden duty as a wise and careful people to see that we obtain our share of that trade; but, it is quite impossible to establish a trade with these far distant countries unless we have a direct line of steamships running regularly so that shippers may know just when their products can be forwarded to those markets. Given this line of steamship accommodation, I believe the result will be that we will be able to establish in the South African confederacy an enormous trade. I consider the time exceedingly opportune to establish such steamship communication, because we all know that when trade gets into certain channels it is exceedingly difficult to turn it in other directions, and so it is proper and wise for us to take time by the forelock and establish this line of steamships which will sail from Eastern Canada to South Africa, and perhaps continue on further to Australia, thus establishing a regular steamship communication which will redound to the advantage of Canada, and build up this great Dominion, as I believe, nothing else can build it up.
Another matter to which His Excellency refers is the coronation of His Most Gracious Majesty, King Edward VII. in June next. There is no doubt, Sir, that this will be an event such as has never occurred before, and will seldom occur in a life time again. We are pleased to know that the premiers of all the different provinces will be invited to attend the coronation, and, that among the great galaxy of men from every country in this wide world, not only from all the British colonies, but men speaking different languages, perhaps, and of different nationalities, coming from foreign countries, the brightest, smartest, and ablest that the world can produce, the man above all men, the man whom everybody will delight to honour, the man who will tower away above all others and the man who on a former occasion when the world's great men met to celebrate the jubilee of the King's mother, who stood on a pedestal of glory and honour was the premier of this vast Dominion. I think we may all be proud that we have a statesman of such ability, a man of such magnetic influence, a man who is recognized not only in the British colonies, but all over the world as one of the grandest and noblest and brightest statesmen that this world has ever produced.
I beg to move :
That an humble Address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General, to thank His Excellency for his gracious speech at the opening of the present session ; and, further, to assure His Excellency that-
1.	We unite with His Excellency, at the commencement of another session of parliament, In

expressing the deep sense of our gratitude to Divine Providence for the many blessings which Canada has received during the past year, and particularly for the exceptionally bountiful harvest in Manitoba and the North-west Terri, tories.
2.	We receive with much pleasure His Excellency's expression of gratification at the cordial reception tendered by all classes of the people, to the Prince and Princess of Wales, on the occasion of their visit in September and October last, the only regrettable feature being the limited time at their disposal, which prevented their visiting many important centres of population ; and we are happy to know that their Royal Highnesses enjoyed their tour through Canada and carried away the most pleasant recollections of their visit to this part of the Empire.
3.	We have shared the feeling of sympathy and sorrow which the assassination of President McKinley has elicited throughout the civilized world, and we are glad to be informed that, though Canada has happily so far been free from crimes of this character, the close proximity to the United States may make it advisable to join our efforts to the efforts of the United States and other nations and to provide by legislation for the adequate punishment of those who, either by speech or writing, incite fanatics to the perpetration of such horrible crimes.
4.	We are pleased to learn that the returns of the late census will be laid before us and that, while the absolute increase in the number of population is not so great as might have been expected, the evidence of growth in wealth and in the general tokens of prosperous development are highly satisfactory ; and also that there is good reason to believe that the increase of population during the latter half of the decade has been very greatly in excess of the average of former years and that in the near future we may look for a much more rapid growth than occurred during the period covered by the last two censuses.
5.	We learn with great satisfaction that, application having been made by the Canadian Pacific Railway Company for approval of an increase of its capital, to meet the demand for additional rolling stock and other improved facilities, for handling the growing traffic, His Excellency's Ministers availed themselves of the opportunity to stipulate that the long pending question of the power of the Governor in Council to regulate the tolls of the company should be submitted to the courts for a judicial decision, and we thank His Excellency for Informing us that the correspondence and other papers will he laid before us.
6.	We are pleased to he informed by His Excellency that the inventor, Mr. Marconi, having met unexpected obstacles to the carrying on of his experiments in wireless ocean telegraphy in a sister colony, His Excellency's Ministers deemed it expedient to invite him to continue his operations on the coast of Nova Scotia, and availed themselves of his presence in Canada to enter into negotiations resulting in an arrangement through which, should the project prove as successful as is hoped for, the government and people of Canada will enjoy the benefits of the invention on very favourable terms, including rates for transatlantic messages very much below those now existing.
7.	We are gratified to know that the display made by Canada of her products, at the several


Archibald Campbell: expositions at which they have been exhibited during the last year, has attracted much attention, and has already resulted in many inquiries and orders for our goods.
S. We receive with much pleasure His Excellency's congratulations on the satisfactory condition of the revenue and on the steady and continuous expansion of the general business of the country as evidenced by the Increased volume of exports and imports.
9.	We learn with much interest that, with the view of still further facilitating and developing our trade with other countries, it will probably be found expedient to increase the number of our commercial agencies, and we assure His Excellency that we will willingly consider the desirability of making additional provision for that purpose.
10.	We thank His Excellency for informing us that the governments of Australia and New Zealand have accepted an invitation from His Excellency's government to attend a conference in -London next June for the consideration of trade, transportation, oable and other matters of intercolonial concern, and we unite with His Excellency in the hope that the meeting may lead to an extension of Canadian trade with those important portions of His Majesty's Dominions.
11.	Our thanks are due bo His Excellency for the information that hi3 government, having caused inquiry to be made, has reached the conclusion that the establishment of direct steamship service with South Africa would enable Canada to secure in that country a profitable market for her varied products, and that, to that end, His Excellency's government will endeavour to arrange for such a service.
12.	We are gratified to learn that His Majesty has been graciously pleased to invite the Premier to be present at the ceremonies attending his Coronation, and we share the hope that the presence of the leading statesmen of the several colonies upon this occasion will afford an opportunity for the discussion of subjects of mutual Interest which may considerably affect the development of our trade and commerce in the near future, with the mother country and with our sister colonies.
13.	We thank His Excellency for informing us that the public accounts for the last year and the estimates for the succeeding year will he laid before us without delay.
14.	His Excellency may rest assured that the above matters and all others which may he submitted to us will receive our earnest consideration, and we thank His Excellency for the expression of his reliance upon our wisdom and prudence to deal with them in the manner which, under Divine Providence, may prove most conducive to the best interests of Canada.


Mr. HENRI BELAND (Beauce).: (Translation.) I am sensible of the great honour that has been conferred upon me, in that I have been chosen to second the motion moved in such happy terms by the hon. member for West York (Mr. Arch. Campbell). But at the same time I cannot help the thought that if it was my good fortune to have been selected to address this House under such circumstances, and to discharge so honourable a task, it was perhaps also my bad luck to be called upon to do so after one of the most eloquent members

from the province of Ontario, or it is still within the vivid recollection of this House, what a remarkable feat the hon. gentleman did achieve, who has just taken his seat. At all events, Mr. Speaker, apart from the question whether it was to good or bad luck that I am indebted for the honour of seconding this motion, I have a very pleasant duty to discharge from the very outset, and it is to offer my best thanks to the right hon. the prime minister for the great honour he has conferred upon me in inviting me to perform this task. That honour, I am well aware, is not only a compliment paid to my humble self but a compliment paid to the electors of the county of Beauce, who have just returned me by acclamation. To the right hon. prime minister, then, my most heartfelt thanks are due, the more so, as under these particular circumstances, he has given a fresh proof of his devotion, which was already so marked, to the interests of his old agricultural county.
Mr. Speaker, in reading over the different paragraphs of the Speech from the Throne, the feeling which is uppermost in our minds, the feeling which is most vividly brought home to ns is one of gratitude to Divine Providence for the blessings conferred, during the last twelve months, upon this vast Dominion.
I think I am voicing the feelings of this side of the House at any rate in saying that to Divine Providence we indeed owe a debt of gratitude for the happy inspiration imparted to the gentlemen who sit on the treasury benches and who have the control of public affairs.
A simple glance thrown at the Speecli from the Throne will show that the government do not mean to rest upon their oars but that they are up and doing.
No doubt, they have not forgotten the fact of that great general who saw the fruit of his dearly bought victories snatched from his hands, for having one single day rested upon his laurels. No, the government cannot remain idle and with their arms folded, and that is the reason why fresh legislation is going to be brought forward and new amendments added to the existing laws. It is characteristic of human affairs that they always admit of improvement and perfecting. Go through the different provinces of the Dominion, and everywhere among the various classes of the community you will find the country is blessed with universal prosperity ; go among the farming community, the mechanics, the manufacturing classes, and everywhere you will find that the fires of content blaze upon the hearthstones and the lights of hope illumine every household.
I need not dwell at any length here on the facts which show that an unprecedented prosperity smiles on us. But I may anticipate the comment often heard from certain quarters, and mainly from the hon. gentlemen opposite, that the prosperity we are now enjoying is neither the result of legislation nor to be attributed to any action of the government, but is the gift of a bountiful Providence. On the other hand, I am also aware that credit is claimed for the Liberal party for the prosperity with which the country is blessed. That public men are often unduly criticised or lauded and praised beyond their deserts I know very well. I for one am inclined to believe with some-and that opinion rests on a well known principle in poltical economy-that the criterion of prosperity of a country is to be found in the balance of trade, according as that balance turns in favour of or against such country. Although, under the circumstances, to encroach upon the domain of statistics may seem out of place, still I crave leave to say that, during the last five years of the Conservative administration, from 1891 to 1896, the balance of trade was in our favour but for one year ; whereas, in four out of five years under Liberal rule, the balance of trade was in our favour. During the last five years under the Conservative regime, only in one year was there an excess of imports over exports ; whereas, under Liberal rule, there was an excess of exports over imports in four years out of five.
As 1 have the honour of representing here a rural constituency, the population of which is one as thoroughly agricultural as is to be found anywhere in the province of Quebec, I may perhaps take the liberty of dwelling at greater length on the prosperity of our farming community, and mainly upon the remarkable growth and steady development of dairying, but at the very outset, I am met with this question : what is the part to be played by the government, in order to promote, encourage and secure the proper development of our agricultural industry ?
To build up and secure the prosperity of that industry, there are requisite conditions : first, a market must be provided ; in the second place, proper and ample facilities of transportation at a low temperature have to be arranged ; and thirdly, improving our processes of manufacture and bringing them up to date.
Now, the government have secured the proper manufacture of cheese and butter, by educating the farming population as to the best methods of manufacture, and this by means of lectures given by competent men ; further, by bonusing the industry and trade, and by enacting proper legislation. To the prosperity of that industry the government have also contributed by providing greater facilities for carrying our perishable agricultural products, and mainly by means of a chain system of cold storage on board trains and by the mechanical refrigerator plan on board steamers, so that our farm products may be placed upon the British markets in as good a condition as when leaving points of shipment.

In connection with the British market, we are sometimes told that in business matters, sentiment is of no account, and that is to say that the government have succeeded in securing the British market for our agricultural products-is altogether preposterous. To such a statement I, for one, take exception. On the contrary, I do believe in sentiment as a most potent factor in trade matters and I further say this : that to the preferential treatment of 35 per cent given by tlie government to the trade of England, coupled with the eloquent speeches delivered in Great Britain by the leader of the Liberal party, is due the better position we are enjoying on the markets of the mother country. To the influence exerted by the right hon. prime minister, as also to the various other measures adopted by the government, as for instance, when they so nobly responded to the appeal of the mother country in her hour of stress and difficulty, we owe the boon of having secured a market with such boundless capacity and possibilities for our agricultural products. All these circumstances, I say, have conspired in creating a favourable sentiment to Canada on the world market of Great Britain.
But, Sir, what I have just said as to what has been achieved by the government in favour of the butter and cheese industry applies with equal force to all other farm products. With a government at the head of affairs which is anxious to promote the prosperity of the farming community, small wonder indeed, that our Canadian farmers should now find plenty and comfort where formerly there was nothing but distress and suffering for them. To our manufacturing industries, to trade in general and to our artisans and labourers these remarks equally apply.
I hope the Blouse will bear with me, if I briefly touch upon the great national work which is being carried out by the hon. Minister of Public Works (Mr. Tarte), in improving the St. Lawrence route. No * doubt, the old administration had, in some measure, grappled with that problem, but I think I am within the truth when I say that since the hon. minister has assumed control of his department, this question has reached a new stage. He it was who brought to bear upon the solution of that great problem all the resources of civil engineering ; he it was who availed himself of all the information and data bearing on the St. Lawrence route-a national highway which is the national outlet for Canadian products exported to Europe, as also for foreign traffic with the commercial metropolis of Canada. Surely, Providence, which has given us such a magnificent river, cannot be taxed with niggardliness.
What with its powerful volumes of waters, its magnificent banks, its fertile valleys, the St. Lawrence, in the views of Providence, is also the great thoroughfare for the carriage of the products of the Mr. BELAND.
vast granaries of our great North-west, a country which is destined in the near future to supply food to a portion of old Europe.
In a speech which I happened to read a few years ago, of the hon. Minister of Finance (Mr. Fielding), the hon. gentleman, in a masterly peroration, expressed the view that Canada had perhaps reached the zenith of her prosperity, but still he was confident that better times were possibly in store for her.
Well, Sir, I may say that the most sanguine expectations of the hon. minister have been realized beyond his dreams. Now, we are not satisfied with surpluses of from two, three to four million dollars ; but, for the seven months of this exercise, the surplus or the excess of ordinary revenue over our expenditure has reached the high water mark of seven million dollars, and this under a tariff that has been re-adjusted and reformed.
" Hands off the tariff " was what our friends on the other side of the House were heard to say in 1896 ; the tariff was then held up as something sacred, something that profane hands should not touch, and it was sacrilege to look upon it. But what they looked upon as a sort of national inheritance, was at the best but a party glory. No sacrilegious hand has touched it; but the hand that did remodel the tariff and lop off the mouldering branches was the very hand of the great financier who during so many years has wielded such a prepondering influence in the councils of his province of Nova Spotia.
Reference is made in the Speech from the Throne to the fact that His Majesty has been graciously pleased to invite the premier to be present at the ceremonies attending his coronation. What a glorious part the premier has played in London upon the occasion of the jubilee of the late regretted Queen, we all know, and we also know what a lustre his presence in the metropolis has shed on Canada. That upon the occasion of the King's coronation, he will discharge his duties as our representative with as much eclat as he did in 1897, goes without saying. Of all the men of eminence in this House or out of it, none are to be found who could speak with a more authorized voice than the premier will be able to do at the conference to be held between the leading statesmen of the several colonies. From his lofty patriotism, and his broad spirit of statesmanship, we know that he adequately represents the aspirations of our young nation.
I do not intend to occupy the time of the House at greater length, but before bringing these remarks to u close, I wish briefly to refer to the visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales, and to bear witness here to the hearty and enthusiastic reception extended to our royal visitors by the people of the province of Quebec. As we crowded together where the old ramparts of the

city of Quebec rise, tbe royal yacht was sighted over the point of the Island of Orleans. Expectant Quebec in thousands thronged the heights. The whole population of St. Roch had turned out ere masse to greet our royal guests. No longer, as in tiie days of Wolfe, was it a question of taking Quebec by storm ; no longer the thunders that broke forth from the forts belched forth death and destruction, but from the mouths of her cannon the old city roared out a loyal welcome from a whole people to the heir to the throne of England.
That the visit of the Prince of Wales was but a triumphal march throughout the length and breadth of the land we all know from press reports. And when, on board the yacht which was taking him back to England, the Prince reviewed in his mind the rich domains he had travelled over, as also the cordial and enthusiastic welcome extended to him by the people of this mighty Dominion ; when he looked back at the great manufacturing centres he had visited, where industrial life and activity are in full growth and development ; all this no doubt vividly brought home to him the reality of the strange phenomenon which is being enacted on this continent, of Anglo Saxons, Normans, Scotchmen and Irishmen working shoulder to shoulder to the upbuilding of a pi'osperous and happy nation.
Mr. Speaker, as there are amongst my constituents a number of my electors who are of English origin (though I may say they are not very numerous), I deem it my duty on this occasion to address a few words to the House in the English language. It is, I know, scarcely necessary for me to ask from the members of this hon. body that indulgence which is usually extended to every new member. Hon. gentlemen who listen to these few remarks will easily see that this language is not familiar to me; not nearly as familiar as the tongue which I was taught to speak in the days of my youth. In reading the speech which His Excellency addressed to us yesterday, one at once reaches the idea that this government, although anxious to aim at still better results in the future, if that be possible, are perfectly satisfied with the existing state of affairs.


Some hon. MEMBERS: Hear, hear.


Henri Sévérin Béland: Yes, the existing government is perfectly satisfied because the people of the country at large are satisfied. Whether you stand at the door of the farmer, or at the door of the workingman; whether you stand at the door of the artisan, or at the door of the manufacturer ; wherever you go, whether it be in the streets of the city or into the remotest lumbering regions, whether on the coast of the Atlantic, or whether in the mining districts of the Yukon or of British Columbia; wherever you go your eye and your ear will be delighted with tiie sound and the sight of prosperity throughout this broad land. I am here, Sir, as the
representative of perhaps the largest rural district in Eastern Canada, and it becomes my duty to express my gratitude to this government, which has conferred such benefits upon the farming community of this country. By the aid and solicitude of the present government new and profitable markets have been secured for our products. The preferential tariff, the eloquent speeches that have been delivered in England by the prime minister ; the readiness with which the appeal of the motherland was answered by Canada when she was in want of moral and even substantial support during tiie struggle in South Africa; all of these circumstances have tended to create a favourable sentiment for Canadian products in the British market. Then again, the transportation facilities which have been provided by the Minister of Agriculture (Hon. Mr. Fisher) have not been the least amongst the processes by which this country has reached its present prosperity. As my hon. friend from West York (Mr. Campbell) has covered the most important parts referred to in tiie Speech from the Throne, it is unnecessary for me to dwell upon them at length. Let me say that all of us in this great country should entertain enthusiastic hopes for the future. There are in Canada citizens of different creeds and different races. Along side of the Irish we have the English, alongside of the French we have the Scotch, alongside of the Protestant we have tiie Catholic, and though we may differ in nationality and in religion, though one may speak the tongue of Louis XIV. and another the tongue of Shakspere, let us all remember that our duty is to build up a prosperous and happy country founded on principles of tolerance and equal rights to all. I see in this House members on both sides whose hair has faded from its original colour in the work of securing peace and harmony between the heterogeneous elements of our population. Let me express the hope that before these gentlemen pass from tiie troubles of this earth they will gather the fruit of their patriotic efforts.
It is scarcely necessary for me to refer to the visit paid to this country by tiie Prince and Princess of Wales. If those who are not acquainted with our population in the province of Quebec and who do not know the sentiment of that province, if they had had the privilege of witnessing the grand scene presented when our people in the old city of Quebec greeted the landing of the illustrious visitors; if it had been their privilege to hear the deafening cheers of the people of East Quebec so eminently represented by the prime minister ; if it had been their privilege to glance at the beautiful women of that old city waving flags and handkerchiefs and throwing flowers at the feet of the royal visitors, I am sure they would have said from the bottom of their hearts that a people so enthusiastic on that occasion, could never be disloyal. Not only have

the men of my race proven their devotion to tlie British Crown in the days of rejoicing, but also in the days of sorrow. Not so long since, in lands far away, they sacrificed their lives to protect the flag which waves over them. And, Sir, that province from which I come will enshrine with fadeless flowers, the memory of those volunteers who have fallen, and the incense of their gratitude will continue to ascend until the last drop of the St. Lawrence has rolled by their homes on its way to the sea.


Mr. R. L. BORDEN (Halifax).: Mr. Speaker, it is with very great pleasure that I rise, in the first place to congratulate the two hon. gentlemen who have so well discharged the duty of moving and seconding the motion which has been presented to the House. For a young member of this House, my hon. friend from West York (Mr. Campbell) has certainly borne himself in a very self-possessed manner, and I am quite sure that after a little more acquaintance with the interior of this chamber, he will be able to get up and address the House without any of the nervousness which he exhibited this afternoon. The hon. gentleman tells us that he is proud of representing the constituency of West York, and lie may well be. I had in mind, as he spoke, an expression which a friend of mine in Halifax sometimes uses when he is reproached with having done anything that is not exactly right-he always gravely shakes his head and remarks : It will never occur again.
With regard to the hon. gentleman (Mr. Beland) who seconded the motion, I must say that he possesses that splendid gift of facile expression which so many gentlemen from the province of Quebec have shown in this House ; and while I was not able to follow him as closely as I should desire while he was speaking in his own beautiful language, I could not help, while he was addressing us in English, deeming it my misfortune, indeed, my fault, that I did not possess the same acquaintance with his native tongue that he exhibited to us this afternoon with regard to the English language.
Now, Mr. Speaker, dealing for a moment with one or two of the matters mentioned in the speech, I desire to say, in the first place, that I most heartily concur in what is said in the speech, and also in the very appropriate words of the mover and the seconder, respecting the visit of their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales to this country. Their visit to Canada was not only of advantage to Canada herself, but was of advantage to them, the future King and Queen of this great empire. While we in this country have not attained the development which we hope for in the future, still I think we may be proud of the fact that we were able to transport them from ocean to ocean in the manner in which we did, upon a railway which links two continents, and through a country which possesses such tremendous possibilities for the Mr. BELAND.
future as the great North-west of Canada. Without saying a word in depreciation of the other great dependencies of the empire which they visited, I venture to think that they saw in Canada as great a country in process of development as it was their privilege to visit on their journey throughout the coniines of the empire.
I also desire most heartily to concur in what has been said in the speech and by the hon. mover and seconder, with respect to the sympathy which this country felt towards the great republic to the south of us on the occasion of the loss which that people sustained by the death of the great man who lately was their president. On occasions of that kind, as was shown by the sympathy of the great republic to us in our hour of sorrow, the two great English-speaking countries of the world are one, if not otherwise, and I trust and believe that it will always be so. I do not know what measures the government propose to bring forward with respect to the subject which has been mentioned in this connection, but any legislation of that kind within reasonable limits would, I think, commend itself to the judgment of this House, and would receive a reasonable support from hon. gentlemen on this side of the House.
Now, Mr. Speaker, before referring to certain matters that have not been dealt with in the speech, I would like to say a few words with regard to the long roll of gentlemen who have left the ranks of this House for the purpose of strengthening the judiciary and the peerage of Canada. I have always felt very much for my hon. friend the Postmaster General (Hon. Mr. Mulock) when any references have been made to matters of this kind. I know that his own natural modesty has prevented him from making any explanation of his position with regard to them; I have also noticed that no other hon. gentleman on the other side of the House has ever come to the rescue of the hon. the Postmaster General; and, indeed, the position of that hon. gentleman is not an easy one. He cannot very well, so long as he is a member of this government, lay down a policy so directly in conflict with the practice of this government as that which he advocated not so many years ago. The rule which requires absolute unanimity in a cabinet would preclude his doing that. Then, you see, the hon. gentleman has another difficulty; he could give to the House no good reason, I suppose, for changing his opinion, which is, I have no doubt, as a matter of fact, the opinion he has always held on that particular subject. Now, I propose to offer a theory, a policy, for the hon. gentleman. I do not say that it is an absolutely perfect theory, but I offer it as a fair working theory, and the hon. gentleman can expand it or modify it as may be necessary or suitable for the public platforms of this country. It has been laid down by gentlemen on the other side of the House that the prosperity which came to Canada and inci-

dentally to tlie world in 1896 was due entirely to the advent of this government. My hon. friend the member for West York (Mr. Campbell) has indeed persuaded himself of that, just as George IY. persuaded himself that he commanded at the battle of Waterloo, and my hon. friend the Postmaster General cheered the hon. member for West York when he put forward that idea very forcibly this afternoon. Now, what I suggest to my hon. friend the Postmaster General is that he should carry out the logical converse of that. We know that the hon. member for Norfolk (Mr. Charlton) has told us-he certainly stated in his address to the electors in *1900-that this prosperity is not due altogether to the advent of this government, but is mainly due to matters beyond the control of this government, and indeed is one of the blessings of Providence. Now, if we attribute the prosperity of the country to the advent of this government to power, why would it not do for my hon. friend the Postmaster General, while claiming credit to the government for all the prosperity of the country, to attribute these appointments solely to Providence and in that way, as it were, to balance matters. It seems to me that affords a fair working theory for my hon. friend, and, with a little modification and elaboration, it might be found very useful. Hon. gentlemen on the other side of the House who are supposed to be aspirants for positions in the Senate or on the bench, are sometimes a little restive when reference is made to such matters in the House; but certainly no hon. gentleman on the other side could object to the remark that the eye of Providence was upon him.
I regret very much, Mr. Speaker, that there is no reference in the Speech from the Throne to the fast Atlantic steamship service which was announced as an accomplished fact by the government of this country, some four years ago. I regret that very much, because the importance of that service is universally conceded. Englishmen visiting this country who see enormous amounts of American capital being expended iu the country, and who are asked why English capital is not flowing into this country to assist in its development to the same extent, tell us that one of the first things required for closer connection in that way between this country and the mother country is the establishment of better steam communication between the two countries. We know the record of the present government with regard to that subject. Although they told us that they had a certain contract, a sure contract, in 1898, we know that nothing has been accomplished from that time to this-that we have heard nothing but excuses; and when they tell us that they propose to establish a steamship line between Canada and South Africa, I am tempted to inquire whether they expect to make the same degree of progress with regard to that
project as they have with regard to the fast Atlantic service. I am convinced that if they do not establish a very much better record with regard to that than they have with regard to the fast Atlantic service, the markets of South Africa will be in the position described by my hon. friend from AVest York this afternoon, and the trade of that country will be so diverted into other channels that by the time the proposed service will be established it will be almost impossible to secure it.
There is another subject upon which we have no information whatever in the Speech from the Throne, and that is the position in which this country stands at present with regard to its trade wth Germany-I mean with regard to the German tariff as applied to Canada and as applied to Great Britain and the United States. Last year, when this matter was brought to the attention of the House, I was sorry to observe that my hon. friend the Minister of Finance (Mr. Fielding) seemed almost inclined to justify the action of Germany in excluding Canada from privileges she was granting to the mother country and to the United States. I was sorry to see him take this position because the preference which we gave the mother country some years ago should not have resulted in an agreement by the mother country with Germany to establish a temporary treaty, from the benefits of which Canada was to be excluded. That should not be the result for another reason also, namely, because that very preference granted to Great Britain has practically resulted in a preference to Germany. AVe know that German goods, goods on which a considerable amount of German work and money has been expended, are sent to England in order to have certain work there done on them and are then shipped to Canada to be admitted as British goods under the preferential tariff. Germany is therefore-so I am informed by men more conversant in these matters than I-receiving no small benefit in that way from the preference we have given to British goods, while on the other hand we are subjected to the imposition of a higher German tariff than Great Britain herself has to face. That this should operate disastrously on the trade of Canada no one can doubt. I have had occasion to look into the figures, and I find that the exports of Canada to Germany are some 8600,000 less than they wrere in 1899, while the exports of the United States and Groat Britain-particularly the United States- have very largely increased. And mark you, Mr. Speaker, our exports to Germany have decreased in a period during which our exports to all other foreign countries have very largely increased. This discrimination is felt by all exporters throughout Canada, and I regret that the government has not seen fit to give the slightest information in the Speech from the Throne

as to what efforts it has made or proposes to make to remove this very grave injustice.
Another subject on which we have no information is the Alaskan boundary question. We were told last year by my right hon. friend (Sir Wilfrid Laurier) that a provisional boundary line, in the nature of a compromise, had been arranged between the two countries, and that the report of the commission appointed to establish that boundary line was to be very shortly brought down. I inquired whether or not this line was in the nature of a compromise, and I rather gathered from the reply of my right hon. friend that I would obtain all the necessary information from the report of the commission. Well, I have examined that report with some care, and I do not understand whether the compromise which has been made, is entirely at the expense of Canada, or whether we have on the Canadian side of the so-called provisional line any portion of territory which the United States are claiming. I do not conceal from myself the fact that there may be grave difficulties in dealing witli this question, and I do not want to say anything that might embarrass the government in its dealings with the Imperial government, but I would like to point this out to my right hon. friend, that the longer the United States remains in possession of any portion of Canadian territory, which we think we can rightfully claim, the greater will be our difficulty in the future in asserting our rights. Therefore I think it is only my duty, occupying the position I do, to urge this matter on the attention of the right hon. gentleman and ask him to confide to the House whatever information he may properly divulge as to the present condition of the negotiations between the Imperial government and the United States with regard to that particular point.
There is another matter which has not been referred to in the Speech from the Throne, and you, Sir, will perhaps have noticed that there are almost as many matters not referred to, and to which reference properly should have been made, as those which are particularly mentioned. We understand from the newspapers that a contingent was sent from Canada during the past few months to South Africa for the purpose of assisting the troops of the empire. We have heard through the same source of the terms on which that contingent was sent and certain negotiations in connection therewith ; but up to the present parliament is absolutely ignorant, so far as oflicial communication is concerned, as to what contingent has been sent, as to the terms upon which it has been sent, and as to any negotiations between this country and the Imperial government with regard to that contingent. I certainly would have thought that the sending of a contingent of brave Canadian soldiers to South Africa was a circumstance deserving of some re-Mr. BORDEN (Halifax).
ference in the Speech from the Throne, and that the government would have taken parliament into its confidence at once and given us the fullest details on so important a subject.
The country is congratulated upon the very satisfactory condition of its revenue and the expansion of general business, as evidenced by the increased value of exports and imports. I do not regard a great increase in the imports as absolute evidence of prosperity. It might well be that while great manufacturing industries in Canada were being crowded out of existence by competition from abroad, the volume of our imports would increase ; and I think that some closer reasoning and more conclusive evidence with regard to the conditions of prosperity might have been furnished us. I, for one, do not believe in the doctrine of buying in the cheapest market, if it is to be done at the expense of our manufacturing industries. We have had conflicting views expressed by members of the government on this point within the past few months.
The hon. the Minister of the Interior (Hon. Mr. Sifton), who, I regret, is not in his place, is reported in the public press as having said not long ago at a convention of the Liberal party in Manitoba :'
Some woollen factories are closing up. They say the reason is that they have not sufficient protection. I say it is not. If they cannot live on a 23 per cent tariff, the sooner they shut up the better.
That apparently is the policy of the Minister of the Interior (Hon. Mr. Sifton), and I notice that my hon. friend the member for Guysborough (Mr. Fraser), appears to be in entire accord with the policy so laid down.


Mr. FRASER.: Hear, hear.


Robert Laird Borden: That policy either is or is not the policy of the cabinet. If it is the policy of the cabinet the sooner we know it the better. If it is not the policy of the cabinet, then the Minister of the Interior ought to resign his position.
Now, let us hear what the Minister of Public Works (Mr. Tarte) has to say on this subject. He told us, I think, no later than the month of November last, at a certain gathering at Montreal, that he thought Canadians should stand by Canadian manufacturers :
Why should not our Canadian Customs laws be just as self-protecting as those of the United States, exclaimed Mr. Tarte. I cannot see for the life of me, he added, and there was more applause. A man's first duty is to defend himself. He was brought up in a protectionists school and had not renounced his faith.
The Minister of Public Works, notwithstanding the optimistic view of the condition of the country that is disclosed in the Speech from the Throne, and that has

been dilated upon by my hon. friend from West York, and tbe seconder of the address, has told us in a more recent utterance in the city of Montreal, that there is a great crisis in this country. And he has not only told us that, but he has told us that the members of the government know all about it. This is what he said :
Our American friends, declared the minister, are making tremendous efforts to crush this country. We, who are in office, know that they are leaving no stone unturned to crush this Dominion to both industrially and commercially.
There is a crisis at hand. Our American friends are endeavouring to make a slaughter market of this country. In consequence of this attempt, let us have a tariff that will protect our national industries and waterways, that will protect our national trade.
I do not know how this language of the Minister of Public Works commends itself to my hon. friend from Guysborough (Mr. Fraser).


Duncan Cameron Fraser: We have it now.


Robert Laird Borden: My hon. friend (Mr. Fraser) does not agree with his leader that there is a crisis.


Duncan Cameron Fraser: That is not what I said. I said that I agree with the Minister of Public Works that we have it now-that is all he said.


Robert Laird Borden: The Minister of Public Works said, let us have such a tariff as will protect. Well, if there is a crisis in this country and if the members of the government are so familiar with it as the hon. Minister of Public Works tells us, it is a singular thing that there is no reference in the Speech from the Throne, to so important a matter. Possibly, the member of the cabinet who is charged with looking after this crisis was not able to contribute his quota to the King's Speech, and no reference to it has been omitted. But, speaking seriously, I venture to suggest to you, Mr. Speaker, that there is no doctrine of parliamentary government more thoroughly settled than this-that there must be political unanimity in the cabinet. Parliamentary government is degenerating into a farce if the Minister of the Interior can proclaim one doctrine in the west, and the Minister of Public Works can proclaim the very opposite in the east with regard to an important matter. And I will call the attention of my hon. friend (Rt. Hon. Sir Wilfrid Laurier) to an authority on this subject which he will not question. This authority is Mr. Gladstone, who said :
It is one of our first duties to decline to acquit any member of the cabinet of responsibility for [DOT]the announced and declared policy of another.
Now, Sir, we have the Minister of the Interior, in language as distinct as possible, telling the people of this country that, if 23 per cent is not enough to keep the great industries of this country on a proper footing, then it is better for this country that those industries shall be closed, that our factories shall be shut up and that the operatives who are working in those factories shall go to the United States, while we spend hundreds of thousands of dollars every year in bringing people of a foreign race and different language into our Northwest. But the Minister of Public Works, on the other hand, has taken the stand- practically the position which he took by a resolution which I moved during the last session-that this country should stand by its great manufacturing industries, the position that this country cannot afford to have its factories closed and to have our people going to the United States. We know well enough, from the census returns, the effect that the great industrial centres of the United States produce upon the population of our eastern provinces. We know that, so long as our own industries remain in their present condition, so long as they do not develop, they are not sufficient to keep the people of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, or even the people of Ontario and Quebec, from emigrating to the United States. 1 say it would be folly- and I agree with the Minister of Public Works on that point-to think of adopting a policy that would close these manufacturing industries and send our people across the line in still greater numbers, while we continue to spend annually an enormous amount of money in bringing men of different nationality and language from the two great races of Canada to fill up our North-west. Now, Mr. Speaker, I do not presume to tell the government which of these two hon. gentlemen should resign- the Minister of the Interior or the Minister of Public Works. That is a point on which I would hardly venture to offer advice to my right hon. friend. I suppose it is a problem which is engaging his attention at the present time. But, if I might be permitted to make a suggestion on the subject, it would be rather on this line-that all the other members of the cabinet should resign and that my hon. friend, the Minister of Public Works, should remain in office and carry out the policy he has announced. But, perhaps I am going too far in making that suggestion. And if my right hon. friend thinks it is a suggestion that should not come from me, I beg that he will accept my most humble apologies for making it.
Now, Sir, I do not intend to say very much with regard to the census or to that most extraordinary paragraph in the speech which purports to deal with the census. I almost wish that my hon. friend the Minister of Trade and Commerce (Hon. Sir Richard Cartwright) could get leave of absence from the government for about two hours to do justice to that subject this afternoon. I know that my hon. friend appreciates that suggestion by the smile I see illuminating his countenance. I do not



God speed, he will be able to say of Canada then what Lord Dufferin said so many years ago that there is still found in Canada:
The reverence of a free people for constitutional liberty as secured by monarchical government, the recognition by the owners of half a continent of their right to share a still mightier imperium, the unswerving confidence of a modest God fearing community in their ability to vindicate their independence, to elaborate their own destiny and to guard and embellish to the utmost the glorious inheritance with which they have been endowed by Providence.


The PRIME MINISTER (lit. Hon. Sir Wilfrid Laurier).: Mr. Speaker, the House, I am sure, has listened to the observations of my hon. friend, the leader of the opposition (Mr. Borden, Halifax), with a great deal of interest varied in some respects, with some surprise. [DOT] My hon. friend has proceeded from sentence to sentence. In the earlier stages of his speech, I could not but think, and I believe my impression was right, that my hon. friend had not had a good night's rest, that he hild awakened this morning under tne impression of some painful dream which had disturbed his equanimity and that he had not recovered. I willingly bear this testimony that it is due to my hon. friend to say that lie is, generally speaking, fair and candid in his manner of treating subjects which come before the House, but on this occasion I cannot help but believe that my hon. friend, of set purpose, struggled, and I do him the justice to say with only partial success, to get away as far as he could from those attributes of his better nature. My hon. friend, perhaps remembering that he has behind him and beside him some followers who are of a fiery disposition, thought that if it were possible he would get them under his control by launching forth some of their bellicose invectives. My hon. friend proceeded to make good what 1 am now saying by the reference he made to the changes that have taken place in the cabinet since last session. Two gentlemen who were members of the cabinet last session have been promoted to the bench of the Supreme Court. My hon. friend did not challenge the fitness of these gentlemen to occupy the high position to which they have been elevated. He could find nothing more to say than to characterize these appointments by the statement that they were due probably in some way to the action of Providence. Amongst the blessings with which Providence can favour a nation is a good government. As we all must acknowledge a good government is a greater blessing than probably even a good harvest and we know by reference to the pages of history that sometimes Providence will make use of most unworthy instruments to confer upon a people the very greatest blessings; and even under these circumstances, if Providence has made use of ourselves, unworthy as we are, to confer a great blessing upon the people of Canada, I am sure that upon this side of the House at any rate we can stand the criticism. My hon. friend objects to the action of the government in not mentioning the fact that our commercial relations with Germany are not as good as they should be or as good as we could have hoped them. If our relations with Germany are not as good today as they were five or six years ago. if we have not now the advantage of as low a tariff in Germany as then existed, it is because the Canadian parliament, on both sides of politics, Conservatives as well as Liberals, nay, the whole Canadian nation, wanted to put an end to the very treaty which then existed and which gave us the benefit of the minimum German tariff. We were shackled by that treaty, and we rightly thought that that treaty, as long as it existed, prevented us from taking the action which we wanted to take in order to bring Canada and the motherland more closely together. Again and again the party of my hon. friend, when they were sitting on this side of the House, applied to Great Britain to have that treaty denounced and again and again their efforts failed. We were more lucky, or more successful than they were and upon our representations the British government put an end to the treaty. Now, Sir, the consequence is that the maximum tariff is imposed upon Canada. We have been making efforts by negotiations to have this removed. These negotiations have not yet matured, but I must say to my hon. friend that the commercial relations between Canada and Germany are not as he has represented
them.	I understand from the hon. Minister of Trade and Commerce (Sir Richard Cartwright) and from the hon. Minister of Finance (Mr. Fielding), who is looking at the figures, that instead of having a decrease we have an actual increase even under these unfavourable circumstances in our trade with Germany. Now, Sir, I may say, and I may perhaps later on during the session have something further to say upon this subject, that we have endeavoured to better and improve our trade relations with Germany and that although these efforts have not yet been crowned with success it would be premature to say that they have been abortive.
Neither have we mentioned in the speech of His Excellency, the Alaskan boundary matter, and the reason why we have omitted a reference to it is simply because it is today in the very same position it was in last year. It has made no progress since
then.	The hon. gentleman (Mr. Borden) has called attention to the fact that the correspondence which we have placed on the Table does not disclose in what respect the provisional line which we have estabi lished with the United States in Alaska, is


Robert Laird Borden: or is not a compromise. It is a compromise. If the hon. gentleman had looked at the newspapers-whether the correspondence discloses it or not-he would have seen that under the provisional line which we have established in the Porcupine district we have mining camps which were claimed by the American miners before that provisional line was established. I agree with the hon. gentleman that the longer this matter is deferred the greatei will become the difficulty of settling it. I agree with him that the longer the settlement is deferred the more difficult it will be to recover possession of whatever Canadian territory may be occupied by American settlers. I have to say to my hon. friend that we have pressed as much as we could; nay more I may say that we have pressed in season and out of season, on the Imperial authorities to bring that matter to a close. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the condition in which this question is to-duy, and nothing could be more dangerous even, than to leave it in this unsatisfactory condition. We hope to bring the question to a close at a convenient season, and I am sorry that I am not in a position now to give to my hon. friend (Mr. Borden) as positive an assurance in this respect ns I would like to give him.
My hon. friend spoke of the Fast Atlantic service, and he said that five years has elapsed since we have taken office, and yet the Fast Atlantic service has not been established. He complained a little of the delay and he indulged in perhaps, well deserved banter. This is my answer to him. If three years more elapse and we have not then brought this matter to a satisfactory conclusion, then we will stand in exactly the same position as the Conservative party, who brought the matter forward in 1887, and had not concluded it when they went out of office in 1890.
My hon. friend (Mr. Borden) also said that there was no mention in the Speech from the Throne of the volunteers who have lately gone to South Africa to serve their Sovereign. It ought not to be any surprise to my hon. friend that a reference to this matter was omitted from the speech. He should know the reason very well. I am afraid from some things which I have observed, this amongst others, that the very arduous duties which the hon. gentleman (Mr. Borden) undertook last year are telling upon him, and that he has not as good a memory now as he had at one time. I have not had a very long acquaintance witli the hon. gentleman, but I had always understood that he was blessed with a good memory, which, however, now appears to have become treacherous and defective. He has only to remember w'hat took place last session to understand why there was no mention of this matter in the Speecli from the Throne. There really was nothing to mention about it. Last session
2-i
there was a motion brought forward by my hon. friend from Labelle (Mr. Bourassa) which concluded in this way :
This House further declares that there is no necessity for sending any more Canadian troops to South Africa, and that the enlistment of recruits for the South Africa constabulary should not be allowed to take place in Canada.
It was my duty as leader of the House to answer that motion, and in the course of my remarks I then said :
As to the first conclusion of this proposition, that there is no necessity of sending Canadian troops to South Africa, I must say I altogether agree with my hon. friend-not for the same reasons that have prompted him, but for the reason that the war is at an end. There may be still some guerilla warfare, there may still be some brigandage under the name of war, but the war is no longer at issue. Though my hon. friend pretends to be very much in doubt as to the issue of the war, for my part I am ready to leave the issue in the hands of the men who have it in hand now, and to say, with my hon. friend, that there is no necessity for sending Canadian troops to South Africa. As to the other portion of the conclusion that enlistment of recruits for the South Africa constabulary should not be allowed to take place in Canada, I ask my hon. friend what reason can there be why the enlistment of men for this force should be put to an end in Canada ? If there are men in Canada who-I care not for what motive, whether high or low, whether dignified or undignified, whether because they desire to get a living, or from a spirit of adventure, or from the nobler impulse .of fighting for their sovereign

wish to take service in the South Africa constabulary, on what principle should a Canadian government interfere to prevent their liberty being so exercised ? My hon. friend has spoken well and eloquently upon the cause of liberty on which he has constituted himself the champion in this House, and almost alone ; but I must ask him, what kind of liberty is it which will not permit a British subject, if he so chooses, to offer his King to serve him, no matter in what capacity.
My hon. friend (Mr. Borden) has now the explanation of this matter, hater on in the same debate the hon. gentleman himself spoke and he took no issue on anything I had said. On the contrary, he rather approved the course I had taken. Under such circumstances my hon. friend is aware that we could not send a contingent to South Africa, for the reason that we had no appropriation for it. In I89G. under the circumstances which then existed, we could send a contingent without any parliament appropriation, because the war was sudden, because it took us by surprise, because there was an outburst of popular feeling in favour of the course which we took, and our action was afterwards approved by parliament without any dissent. However, in this instance wheu the war had been lasting for two years, the government -of Canada had no excuse whatever for taking any money from the Treasury to send a contingent to South Africa. But. Sir, if there were, as it turned out to be ;

if there were young men who wanted to go to South Africa, as was the case when the constabulary were recruited here, there was no reason why they should not be allowed to do so. Last year the Canadian people allowed the young men who wanted to go and serve in South Africa to be recruited under the machinery of our Militia Department, and this year there were some young Canadians who were anxious to go and do a last service, not only for the cause of their Sovereign, but in my estimation for the cause of justice and liberty. We simply put at the disposal of the Imperial authorities the machinery of the department to carry out what we thought was a laudable object. There was nothing to announce to parliament in that. It was not parliamentary action. It was not even the government action. It was simply the same thing which took place last year in the case of the South African Constabulary, and which was not mentioned in parliament though parliament was sitting at the time. The hon. gentleman has now the whole explanation with regard to that. My hon. friend (Mr. Borden) was more himself when he came to another part of his speech-a part of his speech, upon which, if he will permit me, I offer him my most sincere compliments-where he spoke in feeling terms of some of our departed colleagues, and above all, when he spoke of a man who has left in this House and in this country a record which shall not be forgotten for many and many a day. My hon. friend was truly eloquent in his references and he gave expression to sentiments which will be re-echoed by the whole Canadian people. Lord Dufferin was a statesman of Imperial mind. There was nothing shackled about it. He moved on broad lines. Whatever the subject he had to deal with he could rise above all boundaries and divisions of creed and race, or any of the other considerations which divide men. On every question he soared to the highest possible level. The Marquis of Dufferin was one of the few men who during the last twenty-five years or so has done for the empire the highest possible service, and he did it in a way which will redound to his credit and which nowadays must be appreciated more and more, because wherever he went he had the knack and facility of conciliating men, and causing them to move always in the direction of Imperial interests and the broadest kind of liberty.
I thank my hon. friend for the very noble word which he spoke in favour of my lamented colleague, Mr. Dobell. Mr. Dobell unfortunately was not sufficiently known in this House; but we who were his colleagues had on many an occasion an evidence of his great ability as a business man, and many times profited by his experience.
With regard to our colleague, Mr. Glarke Wallace, as the House knows, he and I were upon many questions at the very antipodes. But there is one thing which must be said Sir WILFRID LAURIER.
for Mr. Clarke Wallace : every one, whether his friend or his foe, had to recognize his masterly intellect, his rugged force, his strong common sense, and the ability which, whether he was to stand or fall, he brought to bear more and more on every question which came before this House. He never spoke without being listened to; he never spoke without having something to say; he never sat down without having made an impression upon the House.
Mr. Bell of Addington was a man of very different character-a genial, unobtrusive, useful member of the House. Not only is his death a loss to his own political friends, but we on this side of the House will miss almost as much as they his very genial face.
My hon. friend was at his very best when he gave a good measure of praise to the mover and the seconder of the address. My hon. friend from West York (Mr. Campbell) -the young member for West York-will not make us forget the old member for Kent, lie comes back with the same fire we knew in him before, and we shall have from him the same useful service which we had before.
As to my hon. and young friend from Beauce (Mr. Behind), his reputation preceded him to this House. There were great expectations of what he would do when he came here, and our expectations have been more than realized to-day.
My hon. friend was also himself wlieu he spoke of the visit of the Prince and the Princess of Wales to this country. We in Canada live under monarchical institutions and we are satisfied with our lot. I remember a time, when I wras much younger than I am to-day, when it was a subject of discussion, rather more academical than practical. whether monarchical government or republican government was the preferable. All such discussions have become obsolete; in fact, they have disappeared; and the reason is that we have learned in the last century that there may be as much liberty under a monarchy as under a republic, that there can sometimes be as much tyranny under a pure democracy as under despotism. We in Canada have the blessing of living under British monarchical institutions, and we appreciate them to the full; and that was the sentiment which prevailed in every place which was visited by their Royal Highnesses. Everywhere our people received them and cheered them with a conscious pride in the privileges which they enjoyed and in the duties and the responsibilities which were consequent upon Canadian British citizenship.
When my hon. friend had delivered himself of these two topics, he had exhausted the whole of the good nature that was in him. Then he became morose and sad, and the rest of his speech, was redolent with the sad and lachrymose reflections of a dissatisfied soul. Nothing could cheer him, nothing could appeal to him, nothing could gladden

him-not even the prosperity which he sees about him, prosperity never before equalled in this country, prosperity unsurpassed in any other country; not even the almost miraculous crop we have had in the North-west; not even the everbuoyant revenue, not even the ever-increasing trade and commerce. Now, I firmly believe that if, Instead of the prosperity which my hon. friend sees everywhere, he had seen returning that grim visi-taut. the companion of the Conservative administrations, the hard times, and if he had had to tell a tale of woe, he would have had a congenial subject to speak about. Nay more, if there had been destitution and famine in the country, I believe my hon. friend's happiness would have been complete.
In fact-I appeal to those who had the pleasure of listening to my hon. friend-the only ray of something li ice joy which was apparent in his speech was when he came to speak of the census. We are all disappointed in the census, and the very disappointment of the country was my hon. friend's comfort. If, instead of the beggarly increase of 10 per cent in the population there had been a good increase, such as we had reason to expect, my hon. friend would have been extremely doleful. If he had had a doleful speech to make, he would have been happy and cheerful; but as he had the material for a cheerful speech, lie was doleful and unhappy. So far as the census is concerned, I am grievously disappointed at the result; but the figures only show the extreme gravity of the exodus in former decades. There is a reason for this perhaps not peculiar to Canada alone. Looking back at the history of the past one hundred years, we see that the young American republic in a halo of glory sprang into existence in a way which fairly took all the civilized nations by storm. A new star had arisen in the western sky, and attracted like a magnet the young of all nations of the world to its doors. From every country those who were dissatisfied with their lot-the young, the ardent, the enthusiastic, the enterprising- flocked to the new country in a copious and never-ending stream. The new nation displayed more unbounded energy and activity during a hundred years than perhaps any other nation in the world's history. As Canada was the nearest country to the Uu-Ited States, she was perhaps the most attracted by it, and it is unfortunately too true that generation after generation almost the whole of our natural increase had crossed the border. It was the boast of the Conservative party, when they adopted the National Policy, that it wouid put an end to the exodus, and turn a new page in the history of this country. What a delusion that hope was we now know, because the records are there to show that the period of the National Policy was perhaps the worst, so far as the migration from Canada was concerned. But there is no doubt whatever that at the present time Canada is entering upon a new era; we have turned a new page in the history of the country. My hon. friend a moment ago disputed the fact that the exodus was a thing of the past. I do not say that at the present time the exodus has absolutely ceased; but it is within every man's knowledge that it is not what it was ten years ago, nor five years ago.
And, sir, there is something more. It may he possible that there is a continued migration from north to south; but it is a fact within the knowledge of everybody that there is now a new current of migration from south to north, from American to Canadian territory. There is, if I may so speak, a migration of American capital in the east and a migration of American settlers in the west. I know there are some in this country-I see one, at all events, in my eye at the very moment-who pretends to be rather disturbed by this condition of things. What will become of the country, it is said, if it is invaded-that is the word used-by American capital and American citizens ? So far as American citizens are concerned, our experience has shown that those who come to settle in the Canadian North-west-and they are coming in thousands-come with the notion which has been implanted from youth in the bosom of every American, that the American constitution is the cream of perfection-the most perfect institution devised by man. But after being some time in Canada, they realize that the British constitution as applied in Canada is more elastic, more democratic, more amenable to the people, than the much-vaunted American constitution. They realize that in Canada the laws are better administered, and that there is better protection for property and life than in the United States; and they have no hesitation in becoming Canadian citizens and taking the oath of allegiance to the King. In the Yukon territory thousands of Americans have taken the oath of allegiance and assumed the responsibilities and privileges of Canadian citizenship.
There is another kind of colonization in the eastern part of Canada, and for my part I see no danger in it. On the contrary, I welcome the influx of capital into Canada. Whether it comes from Great Britain or from the United States, it is the very thing we want. If Americans come here and put their capital into our industries, what is it for ? It is to develop those industries and make them fruitful. My hon. friend referred a moment ago to the fact that the population of the county of Cape Breton had increased some fifteen thousand during the last decade; and if he had told the whole story, he would have stated that this increase was largely due to an American citizen who had come to Canada to better his fortune and to develop our industries. If some American capitalists invest their capital in our railways, what is it for ? To so develop those railways as to enable them to carry the trade not only of Canada but of

the United States to the seaboard. What seaboard, may I ask ? The nearest and the cheapest, that is, the St. Lawrence river. Whoever has the control of any railroad will administer it for the benefit of his company, in order to make it yield the best returns possible. In my opinion, in the matter of transportation, geography is altogether in favour of Canada; and far from frowning upon the investment of American capital seeking investment in these industries, I altogether welcome it.
I have only one more thing to say. My hon. friend anticipated a discussion on the tariff. My hon. friend knows that it is not the rule, nor is it good parliamentary tactics, to call for a discussion of the tariff on the address. We shall await that in the budget speech, and there is no occasion for anticipating it. When we bring down the tariff, my hon. friend will find a united party against him. Until that time, therefore, I think it well to reserve any comments on this subject.
I will only say, in conclusion, that the government have no great measures to introduce to the House. It is our intention, if possible, to have a short session; and in that I believe we shall serve the wishes of hon. members not only on this side of the House, but even of my hon. friend himself and his friends behind him.


Mr. F. D. MONK (Jacques Cartier).: Mr. Speaker, I really believe that it is as much in the interest of gentlemen who sit on the treasury benches as of ourselves that some slight effort should be made on this side of the House to dispel the strange illusions of which my right hon. friend has just given evidence, and the cause of which, I regret to say, is to be sought for largely in the enormous and fulsome measure of praise given to this Speech from the Throne by my good friend the hon. member for West York (Mr. Campbell). But a moment ago my right hon. friend (Sir Wilfrid Laurier) claimed that he and his colleagues were the special instruments of Divine Providence in this country, and that any one who had any fault to find with the Speech from the Throne must necessarily be suffering from nervous prostration or a bad digestion. At the risk of dispelling this happy illusion on the part of my hon. friend, I can not refrain from pointing out the ghastly weariness of the ministerial programme. Even my hon. friend the Minister of Agriculture (Mr. Fisher), the champion census taker of the world, who, like George IV., appears confirmed in the belief that he has been the leader in every important event since the dawn of history, would hardly care to assume the paternity of so insignificant a production as this Speech from the Throne. On each and every one of the important questions which this country is called on to solve, this speech is remarkable for its silence.


Wilfrid Laurier: One of the most important questions is that of transportation. Why have we not some statement from the government as to what definite policy it has formed upon this subject. Allow me to refer to a document from my hon. friend the Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Tarte), who, though he is not my enemy, has written a book, or rather an article, signed with his own name. In this article he points out clearly the duty of the present hour; and at the risk of taking up a little time, but in order to justify the reproach which I make the government, let me quote a few words from that article published by the hon. Minister in his organ at Montreal, over his own signature. It is entitled:	"What I would do if
I were a member of Parliament." And in thus quoting the Minister of Public Works.-who evidently looks upon himself as a sort of Jekyll-Hyde in politics, to be dreaded as a minister and relied upon as an ordinary member-I am doing a service to the man by pointing out the laches of the minister.
' What I would do if I were a member of parliament. I would buy to-day the very best geographical map of Canada.' Have these gentlemen done so ? Is it not possible for them to procure a map of this country ? From a mere inspection of that map it will become evident to them that they have grossly neglected their duty by not announcing this session, at the very commencement, that they are determined to take some steps for the practical solution of this question and to save us from the destruction of our own trade which, indirectly, our neighbours to the south of us with energy, with strength, with pluck, which are deserving of all admiration, are gradually taking away from us. Well, after having, very properly, I think, suggested pointedly the purchase of a map as necessary for a beginning for these gentlemen, he continues :
' I would in the second place study fully, study maturely, the question of the means of transportation.' Have they done so ? Not at all. There is not one of these gentlemen able to rise in the House to-day and tell us that he has studied this question, otto tell us what is the policy of the government which they will attempt to carry out courageously. ' I would,' says the article,
' make of this question my question, the important question.' That is right. It is for each and every one of us, from one end of Canada to the other, the important question of them all. ' The session,' continues the article, 1 is approaching,' but what is the use of the session, if these hon. gentlemen have no scheme to lay before us; if they are afraid to tell us what is the policy of the government in regard to the question of transportation and help each of us, on whatever side of the House he may sit, to apply himself to the carrying out of some practical solution of this question. But, let my hon. friends listen to

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this further statement : ' I would not leave to parliament or the Cabinet either rest or intermission until 1 had forced both parliament and the government to adopt a policy, energetic, definite and well defined.' Have these gentlemen done so ? 'We are,' continues the article, ' proceeding in the proper direction, but we are not proceeding fast enough ? ' What guarantee have we that we shall proceed with any more speed ? The question is retarded for another session; and, though we are given information about the crops concerning which we long ago knew as much as do these hon. gentlemen; though we are informed that Marconi has been here and other commonplaces of this description, yet, on this important question we are left utterly in the dark. And my hon. friend (Mr. Borden), who dares to suggest that there is something missing in the Speech from the Throne, is told that he must have slept badly, that he must have poor digestion or must be suffering from loss of memory. ' The St. Lawrence is the shortest route between the west and the great lakes and the markets of Europe, but, as we know, until now, we have had a commerce in our own country which, compared with the commerce of the United States, may well be called insignificant.' That is true. And that is why it is so urgent that, since we have the shortest route and every natural facility, the government should take steps to secure the welfare of this country by increasing this trade. That is why it is so important why the government should give us their views upon this subject and make this the paramount question of the day. ' We transport to Europe but a very small portion of our own produce, New York, Boston, Portland, Buffalo, do a considerable part of our exporting. This autumn. Buffalo has received nearly 5,000.000 bushels of Canadian wheat, of 12,000,000 bushels which have been carried to Fort William by the Canadian Pacific Railway. It would be interesting to know what proportion of the balance of 7,000,000 has passed through the St. Lawrence route, because these 7,000,000 have been distributed between the different ports of Canada, the ports of Georgian Bay particularly. And most of these ports are used by the Grand Trunk, which has made its principal terminus at the port of Portland.'-thanks to the neglect and carelessness of these gentlemen, who. whilst they were treating with the Grand Trunk for the Intercolonial Railway and bonusing the Grand Trunk Railway for the construction of the Victoria Bridge, never for a moment thought that it was necessary to secure the terminus of that national highway-for so we may well call it-within the limits of our own territory. I am quoting the principal parts of this article in support of my claim, that, in neglecting to give us their policy on this question, in failing to make this the paramount question during the present session, the government has failed to perform its duty. ' We had,' the minister says in that article, ' no proper arrangement of our own ports. We had no terminal facilities. New York has magnificent terminal facilities. What had we at Montreal ? What have we at the present hour ? And, I refer to Montreal not because I happen to live in that city, but because it is such an important point on our national highway to the sea. I refer to it because of its importance to us all as Canadians and not alone to those who live there. What have we at the present hour in Montreal, what have we at Quebec and at Three Rivers along the St. Lawrence route ? Numerous accidents have caused us great damage in rendering the insurance rates almost prohibitive during the most valuable time for transporting freight, the autumn.' And the hon. gentleman continues by stating that, within a couple of years, we shall be in an irreproachable position in so far as the navigation of the gulf of St. Lawrence is concerned. ' Quebec and Three Rivers,' says the hon. gentleman, ' are being studied.'
The necessary work will be executed there.
But we have no statement whatever from the government in regard to its policy in respect of those works, and in fact nothing whatever in regard to that important question of transportation. After having given in this same article figures, which I will not quote to the House, to prove the absolute superiority of our own route over any other on this continent, the hon. minister goes on to say :
The very day after French River will have been improved in such a way as to give a 20-foot channel upon the whole course of that river, 25 to 30 million bushels of wheat will he accumulated along the shores of Lake Nipissing in the two months of autumn during which the transportation of this important cereal can be done most effectively and most usefully. Let us not forget that Lake Nipissing, that the French River, are bound to Ontario by a branch of the Grand Trunk Railway from Callendar to the capital of the sister province. The improvement of the French River is therefore, in my opinion, a matter which is most urgent and of immediate importance. It is an affair of $4,000,000 at most, a bagatelle of $125,000 in interest per annum.
Then, after continuing to point out the absolute necessity for immediate action upon the part of the government, the hon. gentleman concludes as follows :
I am not a member of parliament, I am nothing but a Minister, which makes all the difference in the world.
And, indeed it does, Mr. Speaker, because in spite of the assistance which the hon. gentleman might have expected from those around him in carrying out all, or part at any rate, of those improvements which are absolutely necessary, which we require, which are essential to this country, he received no more assistance than he has from the gentlemen who surround him in the de-

liberations of the cabinet. But this question is not one which, according to the opinion of the Minister of Public Works alone is important. You can find evidence of that in the daily papers of the city of Montreal and elsewhere. Yon will find scarcely a newspaper in which that question is not adverted to in some way. For example. I find in the issue of ' La Presse ' of the day before yesterday allusions to this important question. Upon the first page it treats the question of finding out the cause of delay in the city of Montreal. We have suffered now over one year's delay from the absence of ail elevator in the city of Montreal, which we should have had a year ago. This paper asks :
Who is to blame ? Is it the Minister of Public Works ? Is it the Montreal Board of Harbour Commissioners ? A solution is desired upon that point.
A reference is made to the reiterated complaints of the Montreal Chambre de Commerce, through its president, Mr. Geoffrion, a friend of the present government, concerning the repeated delays that we have suffered in respect to the construction of an elevator. We have no information in the Speecii from the Throne in regard to that or any other question that affects the port of Montreal. And yet, the Minister of Public Works knows it, during the last election in St. James Division, Montreal, and during the election that took place in Laval when the Minister of Public Works and the right lion, the Prime Minister both came down to take part in the fray, these questions were spoken of, they were discussed, and we were assured that the government were anxious to adopt a settled policy in regard to the port of Montreal and to carry out that policy-not in a niggardly manner, not slowly, but promptly, and without regard io expense, as we were advised to do by Mr. Reeve, the late general manager of the Grand Trunk Railway, when he attended an inspection of the port of Montreal some months ago, at which, I think, my hon. friend the Minister of Public Works was present. So much with regard to the question of transportation.
Then, sir, we have not a single word in the Speech from the Throne in regard to the fast Atlantic service. My right lion, friend seems to forget that. It is he who is losing his memory, and not my hon. friend to my right. The hon. gentleman seems to forget that when the Conservative party went out of power in 1890 there was at that moment a contract signed for a fast Atlantic service. Why did not these gentlemen carry it out ? They would have had that fast Atlantic service to-day if they had carried it out. The truth is, Mr. Speaker, as we think, and the public generally think, that these gentlemen are fighting a little too much ' like blazes,' as the Minister of Public Works said at the banquet in the city of Montreal. They are fighting so much that they cannot agree Mr. MONK.
upon any policy, upon any question. The only thing they can agree to speak about in the speech is of Mr. Marconi's coining here. But is it a fact that at this banquet in the city of Montreal, where there was a great divergence of views between the Minister of Public Works and my hon. friend the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Fielding), is it a fact-since you require only facts-that the Minister of Finance went away so tearing mad, so much ' in blazes,' that he said lie never would sit again at a banquet with my hon. friend the Minister of Public Works ? If you require history, if you require facts that have actually taken place, let us know the true solution of this incident, and let us know if what we hear all over Montreal is true. If we must have nothing but events that have actually occurred, perhaps those gentlemen might tell us how it was that my hon. friend the Minister of Finance and my right lion, friend, the uncrowned king, according to the hon. member for West York (Mr. Campbell)-I think he will be crowned himself instead of witnessing the coronation of His Most Gracious Majesty-let us know how it is that they came down one day to Montreal and anointed as tlieir own candidate a young gentleman of that city, and as soon as they heard that our good friend Mr. Bergeron had manifested some idea of coming forward, they came the following evening to speak on behalf of their anointed candidate, and after they had ascended the platform in the city of Montreal they were obliged to change their tune and sing the praises of the present representative of St. James Division (Mr. Brunet), upon whose head they had been heaping maledictions for a fortnight or more previously. Those are events of which we would like some explanation from lion, gentlemen occupying tlieir high position.


Mr. COCHRANE.: How did he get here ?


Frederick Debartzch Monk: Well, the question which my hon. friend puts brings us back to the very important statement in the Speech from the Throne in regard to Mr. Marconi, because, I may inform my hon. friend, we found out during that election campaign in St. James Division that we had nothing to learn from Mr. Marconi in regard to telegraphing and telegraphers, we knew all about it in this country already. Might I ask the right lion, the Prime Minister, since he has referred to Air. Alarconi's visit to this country, what department it was that made the arrangements with Air. Afarconi to which the Speech from tiie Throne refers ? Is there any special department charged with these negotiations ? None of these lion, gentlemen seem willing to give us any information upon that question. Alight I ask the members of the government-I do so witli the object of get-ling information-if these arrangements which were made with Air. Marconi have been reduced to writing, and if so, is there
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any objection on the part of tlie government to laying them upon the Table of the House?


The PRIME MINISTER.: If my hon. friend will read the Speech from the Throne he will have his answer. The speech says they will be brought down.


The MINISTER OF FINANCE (Hon. W. S. Fielding).: Do you want them brought down before tlie address passes ?


Frederick Debartzch Monk: My hon. friend tlie leader of the opposition, probably suffering from those wicked dreams to which the right lion, gentleman refers, lias found fault with the government because no reference has been made in the Speech from the Throne to the sending of the third contingent to South Africa. In this connection it seems to me that it may be stated that the government seemed to be imbued with the desire to keep from parliament information upon such an important subject as that to which parliament lias a right. It is ill consonance with tlie usual policy of the government to do every important act connected with the administration of this country without previously taking parliament into its confidence or keeping parliament informed of these important acts of administration. It is, I think, Sir, a proper interpretation of our modern constitutional parliamentary usages to say that the government is nothing more than a committee of parliament, but these gentlemen would fain bring us back to tlie times, about 150 years ago, when, in England, parliament was struggling for its privileges and the members of parliament were not vouchsafed the information which they possess to-day, because, if, ns I pointed out, the government last year, during a session of parliament, in the month of March, offered to the home government to send another contingent to South Africa, why were we not taken into the confidence of the government and informed of the fact, ns we had a right to be and why was not the message which was sent offering that contingent to the home government laid before us who are here ns representatives of the people I would ask the government again if it has any objection to laying on the table of the House immediately the very text of the message which it sent to the home government at the time offering the third contingent.


The PRIME MINISTER.: Not the slightest.


Frederick Debartzch Monk: My hon. friend from West York (Mr. Campbell), who is an old member of parliament, has found means to express a great deal of loyalty, for which I heartily congratulate him, and which leads me to believe that the county which accidentally lias sent him to parliament this time is a very loyal county. I congratulate him upon his patriotic sentiments, because I remember that as the member for Kent, he was
one of those who promptly whitewashed the government which had seen lit to provide our troops in South Africa, in case of emergency, as their sole recourse, with crumpled dog biscuit. But, if in this respect, my hon. friend has amended his ways, I regret that he has not seen fit, while praising the government as he has done, to make some slight allusion to a matter of some importance to West York, as well as to my own county, and which brought us both to Ottawa not many weeks ago. It was the question of the adequate and proper protection of our farmers and market gardeners. At that moment, both of us being here, leading important deputations from our constituencies, I heard my hon. friend take the government to task and strongly urge tlie government to grant some relief for the grievances from which the gardeners of his own county suffered. Does the right hon. Prime Minister not think that the government might have given us some assurance in tlie Speech from the Throne comparable with the assurances which were given at that time, before the election, that these grievances, which are serious grievances, and to which 1 will refer later on in the session, would be rectified, or does he think that the government very properly excluded any reference to that subject from the Speech from the Throne?
There is also the question of repatriation, which is of some importance, and which has not been referred to in the Speech from the Throne. We have the spectacle, as is well known, of large numbers of our most hopeful young men leaving, if I mistake not, the province of Nova Scotia, the province of New Brunswick, and in very large numbers, leaving Quebec, and probably Ontario, and starting off for the United States, whilst we are spending, and that was a question discussed during the last election in the vicinity of Montreal, fabulous sums to bring into the North-west Territories, into our own inheritance, to replace those who are leaving this country, people who have not the first right in that country, and whom it would be better to leave at home, and keep with us our own Canadians. Has the government any policy upon this question, and why 1ms it not announced that policy? Would it not have been pleasant for us to hear from the government that they have some settled views in regard to a change in the system and that these views will be carried into effect during the present session?
My hon. friend from Beauce (Mr. Belaud), whom I heard with very great pleasure this afternoon, and who speaks both languages. I think, in a manner which does him infinite credit, was obliged to go out of the Speech from the Throne. He did not find sufficient food for his eloquence in the speech, he went out from it, and spoke to us about the surplus we were to

expect. Let me say that, although no reference has been made in the Speech from the Throne to the expected surplus, I sincerely hope the time has passed when the Minister of Finance of this country will speak to us of surpluses that we know are burled every year in that bottomless pit which is called the Intercolonial Railway, or in other capital accounts. Let us, this year-, at any rate, when surpluses are spoken of, know where these surpluses are that the people shall not be deceived any longer. I merely intended to point out some of the subjects upon which I think the public of this country-and we come here under considerable trouble-might have expected some utterance from the government. But we have ample proof, I think, that tlie Speech from the Throne has been prepared most hurriedly, from the fact to which I wish to call particularly my right lion, friend's attention, that there is no translation of that speech into the language which is most familiar to a large number of the members of this House, because I cannot call it a translation which has appeared in the ' Official Gazette,' and which is so full of errors. I heard with pleasure the eloquent treatment of the French language by the hon. member for Beauce, and I could not help regretting that he himself had not been charged with the translation of that important document. We had with us yesterday a number of gentlemen who do not belong to this country, and who represent foreign countries, and 1 think it is right and proper to say to the government that a document of this kind which is so largely circulated, should be translated properly. We hear a great deal sometimes about murdering the King's English, but I say that this is a most felonious assassination of the beautiful language of Moliere and Racine, and it is very necessary that the party who has been charged by the government with translating that document should know that if it is necessary, we will bring the guillotine from France and chop his head off. With these few remarks, and with the hope that, although the session may be short, we will have from the government some positive statement of its policy upon some of the important matters to which I have had the honour to refer, I resume my seat.
At Six o'clock House took recess.
After Recess.
House resumed at Eight o'clock.


Mr. WM. F. MACLEAN (East York).: Mr. Speaker, I intend for a short time this evening to direct the attention of the House to one or two things mentioned casually in the Speech from the Throne, but things which I consider are of the greatest importance to the people of this country. In the speech of His Excellency there is a ref- I erenee to the assassination of President |
McKinley. That was an incident that did attract the attention of all the world, but somehow to my mind there was a disposition in the United States and elsewhere to avoid the discussing of this question in the light of the real cause of the assassination. Contemporaneously with the assassination of the President there was a significant thing happening in the United States. There was a growth of trusts, a growth of monopolies that was unprecedented in the history of the world. Now not for one moment do I say in so many words that the assassination of President McKinley was connected with the growth of these trusts, but I do say that it is a significant fact that the two things were contemporaneous, and that there may be a connection in the way of cause and effect between these two. Last year the growth of monopolies reached its height in the United States. The development of trusts attained its greatest and most dangerous strength, and this development is a cause of the greatest anxiety and fear to those who are really studying political and social questions, not only in this country but in other countries as well. And what are these trusts doing ? They are in the way of getting control of all the great railways ; they are getting control of the great systems of transportation, and they are getting control of all the great industries. They have become so powerful that individuals who are really anxious for the welfare of the country begin to fear for the future. These trusts are sacrificing the interests of the people, and while I do not say that there was a direct connection between the growth of these trusts and the assassination of President McKinley. I do say that at that very time the public mind was alarmed as never before by the growth of these corporations which seemed to presage social disaster to the nation. If you want a specific instance of the growth of these corporations and the tyranny they exercise, I direct the attention of the House to the output and distribution of coal in the United States. If there is one blessing more than another that God has conferred on the people of this continent, it is a supply of coal sufficient to enable the people to have it put in their houses for $1 per ton. But this great coal supply has fallen into the hands of the coal companies, allied with the great carrying corporations, and the result has been that the coal is now sold at the enormous price of .$4. $5 and $0 per ton when it should be sold for at most $1.50 per ton.
These huge corporations have become tyrannical in the treatment of their employees. As I said in Toronto a short time ago, they have become so tyrannical that an employee of theirs dare not confess at the present day that he is over 40 years of age. As an illustration of this kind of tyranny I may mention that the sale of hair dye in'the United States is now something enormous.


Frederick Debartzch Monk: Some lion. MEMBERS. Hear, hear.


William Findlay Maclean: That statement may cause laughter, but the fact remains that these corporations have become so tyrannical in the United States that a man over 40 years of age cannot hold a position. They have not increased the wages of their employees as they should have done ; but on the contrary they have reduced wages. They have become more tyrannical in specifying petty offences which if the men are guilty of they lose their employment. The great American people who claim that their country is the cradle of freedom are now oppressed under a slavery greater than the slavery that existed in the United States before the civil war. That is strong language, but there is not the slightest doubt that there is a new kind of slavery growing-on the American continent. There is a slavery imposed by the trusts and the corporations greater than any slavery which existed before, and I am on this occasion taking the opportunity to warn our people in Canada to avoid if possible coming under the conditions which exist to-day in the United States. These corporations are grabbing all the power ; they are grabbing all the wealth, and what is worse, the liberties of the people are passing under their yoke. We are told that while the trusts have become powerful, the average wealth of individuals in the United States and in Canada has increased. I grant that to some extent, but compared with the immense growth of the wealth of the trusts, the increased wealth of individuals amounts to nothing. The wealth concentrated in the hands of these corporations to-day constitutes a menace to the welfare of the United States, and it will he a menace to Canada if the same conditions should come to exist here. Not only are the corporations in the United States depriving the people of their freedom, but they have got control of the legislative bodies of that country, they have got control of the press, and they think they will soon have control of the judiciary. There is one thing certain aud that is, that they have control of the machines connected with both of the great political parties in the United States. That being the condition of affairs in the neighbouring Republic, there is a great social crisis approaching. The people are not satisfied with the existing conditions. They are not satisfied with the growth of power of these corporations ; they are not satisfied that their liberties are passing away and that a new serfdom is coming upon them. They are moving in one way or another to try and get rid of the existing conditions. That is the supreme issue in that country to-day. The men who are not mere politicians ; the men who are studying the great social questions there, are pointing out that the growth of the trusts and the tyranny of the trusts must in some way be counteracted.
Now, are we threatened by these corporations in Canada ? To my mind we are. We see signs every day of the growth of corporations in Canada in a way that is a menace to the people of this country and the political rights of our people. Look at what is taking place in parliament here, in our legislatures, and in our municipal councils. Things have taken place here in Ottawa in the interest of a corporation that have been in the nature of a raid on the political rights of the people. Look at what has taken place in the legislature of Quebec. That province has been raided up and down by the corporations. The city of Montreal has been raided in and out by the corporations to the detriment of the people. The same is happening to-day in the legislature of Ontario. The same thing has happened in the city of Toronto, and where is it all going to end ? In the speech of His Excellency a reference is made to the application of the Canadian Pacific Railway for increased powers in regards to its stock issue, and the government congratulates the country on the fact that this great corporation has been good enough to agree that the question as to the regulation of its rates and the interpretation of the clause in its charter relating to that subject shall be submitted to the courts. What does all that moan ? Here is a great corporation that is bound by its charter that its tolls shall be subject to government regulation when its profits amount to ten per cent on the actual cost of the road; and all we get to-day for the increased power of capitalization is a promise that this question shall be submitted to the courts. Why did the government not do what they did with the Canadian Pacific Railway on a former occasion ? If they gave the company this additional privilege, why did they not fix the date when the regulation of the freight rates of the railway should go into effect ? But all we get is this bald promise that this question shall be submitted to the courts. That again is an evidence of the growth of these corporations and the control they exercise over parliament and over this government.
Now, these great trust managers, these men who are in favour of all these great corporations, say that they have been created for two things : in order to cheapen production and in order to supply the capital necessary for the conduct of these great industries. I do not agree with that for one moment. If there is a characteristic of these corporations, it is that they do not reduce prices, but by monopolization they overcapitalize the corporation and force the public to give them hundreds of dollars for hundreds of dollars of watered stock. That is what the public get out of it. They simply get over-capitalization and nothing else. The other defence is that Wall street and the great money centres which are allied with these great corporations supply the capital, and that it could not be got in any-

Other way. I dispute both of these contentious. I say that all we get for the growth of these great corporations is not a reduction in prices, but simply an over-capitalization and a defrauding of the shareholders.
A year ago I pointed out in this House the danger there was of the Canadian railways passing into the control of the great railway corporations of the United States. The House did not quite take me seriously in that contention, and perhaps the country will not, but what do we see to-day ? Is it not a fact that the Canada Atlantic Hailway, which runs from Montreal to Parry Sound, and which was built largely with the money of the Canadian people, lias passed into the hands of the Vanderbilts ? The right lion. Prime Minister said tills afternoon that whether it had or not was of no concern to him, and that he was not afraid of this invasion of American capital. The people of Canada, however, are, I believe, afraid of seeing the railways of this country pass into the hands of foreign corporations. We are told that the Canadian Pacific Railway is still Canadian owned and under Canadian control. We are told that while many of the shares may be owned outside of this country, still the ownership and control of the road is in this country. Well, 1 believe that that control has passed out of the hands of Canadians. I believe that Sir Thomas Shauglinessy and the hon. member for West Toronto (Mr. Osier) and the other Canadians who are on the directorate, are only kept there by the favour of the great American combine, and may at any moment receive a notification from Mr. Morgan and Mr. Hill that they are no longer in control. I pointed out the danger a year ago, and that danger is still more imminent to-day. The Canada Atlantic has gone, and I believe the Canadian Pacific Railway as a matter of fact, has gone, and that the Grand Trunk Railway will follow. And in that event, the future of this country is very much in doubt. Let American corporations control our railways, and they will soon control our political future. The right lion, the Prime Minister has said on different occasions that should our railways pass out of our control then the country will interfere, lint it will- then be too late. When Mr. Morgan and Mr. Hill control the Canadian Pacific Railway and the Grand Trunk Railway as they do the Canada Atlantic, the right lion, gentleman says Canada will interfere. But on that day, when these fall, and foreign magnates control our railways, they will also control our politicians and legislatures. The one thing goes with the other.
The right lion Prime Minister this afternoon declared that lie was not afraid of the invasion of Canada by American capital, and of the control of our railways passing out of our hands. But there is a member of this government who thinks somewhat differently. I refer to the Minister of Pub-Mr. MACLEAN.
lie Works (Mr. Tarte). Speaking in Montreal on Saturday night, that hon. gentleman said :
As a matter of fact the -time might come when the Canadian Government will have to do with the Canadian Pacific Railway what the British Government did with the Suez Canal. The British cabinet had secured the Suez shares in order -to protect Imperial interests, and a similar patriotic policy might some day confront the Dominion of Canada. There was no danger now, hut no one could tell what the future might bring forth.
I believe that the Minister of Public Works holds pretty much the position I do on this question. If there is one thing necessary to the maintenance of Canadian independence, it is the control by Canada of its own railways, and I congratulate the Minister of Public Works on bis course in pointing out the danger, and hope he will succeed in Impressing these views on his leader.
Another subject which has come before the people, and which was started down in the city of Halifax, is the proposal to hand over tlie Intercolonial Railway to the Canadian Pacific Railway. If we should do this, what would happen? Vanderbilt or Morgan might secure the control of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and with it the Intercolonial Railway, which lias cost this country so much. This proposition would simply mean handing over the Intercolonial Railway to the great railway magnates of the United States. Vet the people of Halifax asked the boards of trade of the other cities to join witli them, and the Canadian Pacific Railway is, day in and day out, pulling the wires among the politicians and Inspiring the newspapers to bring that scheme to a successful issue. Should they ever do so, we may bid good-by to all our national hopes, and to our future as an independent power on this continent.
Instead of giving the Intercolonial Railway over to the Canadian Pacific Railway, and in that way putting it under the control of Mr. Morgan and bis associates, we should have prevented the Vanderbilt interest getting hold of the Canada Atlantic, by buying it ourselves, and extending the Intercolonial Railway over it. And instead of allowing the Rainy River Railway to fall into tlie bands of Mann & Mackenzie-and I have beard it stated that Mann & Mackenzie are but another name for J. J. Hill- Ibis country should have built tlie Rainy River road itself and the Crow's Nest Pass Railway. We would then have had almost a complete transcontinental system in the hands of the Canadian people and under their control. But instead of doing this, we have given away immense bonuses and we have allowed the Canada Atlantic to pass under foreign control as well as the Rainy River road, if it be the case that Mr. Hill is the real proprietor. We have let the Crow's Nest Pass go into the

hands of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and any day we may find the Canadian Pacific Railway in the hands of Morgan and his associates. And now we have the modest proposal made that we should hand over the Intercolonial Railway to the Canadian Pacific Railway.
It is essential to our independence as a nationality that we should continue to hold the railways we have and that we should extend the Intercolonial Railway system, and take some means to prevent the control of our railways passing into the hands of the great American corporations. I am not afraid to say that I am in favour of nationalizing the whole railway system of this country. There is no other way out of the transportation difficulty, and I am risking my whole political future, whatever it may be, on that policy.


Mr. COWAN.: What do you mean by nationalization ?


William Findlay Maclean: That the state should own the railways as the state owns the railways in Russia, Prance, Austria, Hungary, and in our sister colonies of Australia and New Zealand.


Mahlon K. Cowan: The same as we own the Intercolonial Railway?


William Findlay Maclean: Exactly.


Mr. CLARKE.: And run them as the Intercolonial is run?


William Findlay Maclean: Not necessarily. That is a very glib argument, but there is no connection between the nationalization and the maladministration of railways. On that point I will have something further to say later on.
I submit that there is no way of maintaining our nationality other than by nationalizing our railways. There is no other solution of the transportation question. Lord Salisbury said the other day that (there was no great diplomatic issue to-day which did not turn on the railway question. They were all transportation questions. All this trouble in South Africa is really nothing but a railway question. It arose out of Cecil Rhodes dream of a railway from the Cape to Cairo. The root of all the worry in South Africa to-day is that railway question.


Mr. P.OURASSA.: Hear, hear.


William Findlay Maclean: And there is no solution of this question other than state ownership. The argument is often used that government ownership necessarily involves an immense system of corruption and maladministration. I say that does not follow, and if there should be corruption it would be nothing to the corruption which is rampant in this and every other country where the great railway corporations exercise their influence. Whenever the proposal is made that we should extend the Intercolonial system, we are told that the people of Canada are corrupt. I resent that charge. It is not the people, but the rich men connected with the large corporations who are corrupt, and who do the corrupting. It is the railway corporations who are corrupt, and it is their corruption which is to be feared.
Now, another thing-and it is in line with what I said before-is that we should begin this work of nationalization in this country by taking over the telegraphs, and telephones and the parcel and express systems of this country. And I am surprised that the government, after all that they have said about this matter, after all that their friends have said in their newspapers and in other ways, have not come down this year with a proposition for the nationalization of the telegraph system of Canada. There is provision made for it in the law and it can be done easily. And, with the system nationalized it can be worked cheaply and well in connection with the post office.


Mr. SPROULE.: The Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Tarte) is against it.


William Findlay Maclean: No.


Thomas Simpson Sproule: Yes.


William Findlay Maclean: Well, I will leave him to speak for himself. We can easily make the experiment in connection with the telegraph and telephone systems as they have done in England in connection with the telegraphs.


Edward Frederick Clarke: That is right.


William Findlay Maclean: And if it is right in connection with these things, it is right in connection wih the railways and other great means of transportation. The great thing in connection with the nationalization of railways is that wherever it has been tried it has succeeded, and wherever they have nationalized a portion of the railways they are carrying out the nationalization of them all. And, if other countries have done it, we can do it. It is no compliment to our people for any one to say that we are not able to do what other countries have done. We have as high a class of people, and I hope we have as high a class of public men. If the nationalization of railways has been a success in other countries and if every country in which it has been tried has found it a protection as against the growth of these great corporations, and above all if it is a protection to the nationality and an assurance for the future of the country, we must adopt it in Canada. And, if the national ownership of railways is necessary from a Canadian point of view it is equally essential from an imperial point of view I believe that, not only that we shall have the nationalization of railways in this country, but that the mother country will have the

same, and with that will come the nationalization of the cable system of the land telegraph system, and of some of the great steamship lines that connect one portion of the empire with the others. Now, as an evidence of the growth of the sentiment in favour of public ownership, consider what is taking place throughout the world today. Municipal ownership is one of the growing questions of the day. The idea of municipal ownership is being extended in a practical way in Europe and it has been begun in this country. There are several instances of it in Canada; and if you study the question as it is in Ontario to-day, you will And that what the people are talking of is the best means of bringing about the public ownership of the great franchises in connection with cities. The people are down on the monopolies, and they are trying in some way to get away from them, and the only way they can do it is by public ownership. The great argument in favour of public ownership of city franchises by the cities-and it applies also to the ownership by the country at large of the railways is that the problem before the men who have charge of the administration of [DOT]one of these great franchises, when it is under public ownership, is how to supply the. product whatever it may be, at the cheapest rate to the greatest number of people; but when the franchise is administered by a corporation, the problem is : How can we make the largest dividend on the greatest amount of inflated stock ? That is the superiority of public ownership over private and corporation ownership. Every city that has gone into public ownership has succeeded; and the people of the cities of the United States and of the cities of Canada are. almost witli one accord, in favour of this reform. When the next election is held in this country, I venture to predict now, there will be no issue but this question of the public ownership of these great corporations, the railways. We are talking of petty questions to-day. Wo must not forget that we are in a new century, and that there are i,ewe>' and greater questions before us. The last century is gone, and gone with it are the questions that were identified with it. In this new [DOT]century there is no question before the people of such magnitude and of such importance as the growth of the corporations and the necessity of getting rid of them in some way. And the only way to get rid of them, apparently, is by public ownership. If that is the case and if that is to be the issue, it is time that the people of this country were being educated on that question. It is time that the question was raised and the alarm given. It is very well for the Prime Minister to tell us that when the horse is stolen he will see to it that the door is locked. But that will not do. We must try in some way to take steps now to prevent the railways we have from passing into the hands of the great railway corporations of Mr. MACLEAN.
the United States. For, if we allow them to go, I contend that when that transfer has taken place, Canada's future as a nation will have gone, and the people of the United States will own this country. Now, lion, gentlemen on the other side, and especially the Prime Minister, as I said, exiiress no alarm at this American inavsion. Perhaps we should not expect anything more from the right lion, the Premier. Perhaps the party of commercial union, naviug failed in their former effort, will quietly assist in the new American invasion, the result of which can only be that the Americans will practically come into possession of this country. It may be that the old commercial union movement may seek to realize itself in this way. The Americans are becoming more powerful in this country. Industry after industry is passing into their hands, and out of the control of the people of this country. It is time that we did something to try to prevent it.
Now, I would like for a moment, having dealt with the question of public ownership and the growth of corporations, to refer to one or two things that have come up in the debate this afternoon, before I touch another point. If there is one thing that the hon. gentleman (Mr. Campbell) who moved the address, and the hon. gentleman (Mr. Bel-and), who seconded it, boasted of, it was the great prosperity that prevails in this country. The Prime Minister took his cue from them. And, in some way, all these gentlemen identified this prosperous state of the country with the advent to power of the Liberal party. To that, I have just one answer to make, and it is in the form of a question. If Canada has been prosperous since the Liberal party came into power is it not because the Liberals failed to put into force the policy they declared for when out of office ? They were to wipe the national policy off the face of the earth, they were to give us free trade as it is in England. Did they do either of these things V No; they adopted the national policy, and when they adopted it, the people at once saw that the country was not to be overturned, that the Liberals would not do what they had threatened to do. Thus, there was. at last, a united people in favour of the national policy and in favour of the development of the country. That is why the country is prosperous to-day. It is because you did not do what you said you would do. it is because you did not carry out the threats you made, it is because you adopted the national policy of Sir John" A. Macdonald, which I am defending to-day.
Now. I wish for a moment to direct the attention of the House to the relations between Canada and the empire. The Prime Minister this afternoon referred to the sending of the last contingent in a way that was not satisfactory to me, and that I do not think will be satisfactory to the people of this country. All the justification he had for it was to say that he had allowed

[DOT]enlistments to take place in this country. Well I do not think that statement will be satisfactory to our people, I do not think it will create much of a furore in the old country in our favour. I would like to have seen Canada pay for that contingent, and send it as a free gift to the motherland. Hon. gentlemen on the other side say that if we wish to make a contribution to England, if we wish to show our regard to the motherland, the way to do it is by giving a trade preference. Now I disagree with them entirely on that point. My idea is that the daughter state ought to recognize the mother country by standing by her in her hour of trial until the last dollar is spent, and in sending troops and men if necessary. A trade preference is not a contribution to the empire, it is a contribution to the manufacturers and workingmen of England at the expense of the manufacturers and workingmen of Canada.


Edward Frederick Clarke: To the manufacturers and workingmen of Germany, rather.


William Findlay Maclean: And also to the manufacturers of Germany who come in by way of England. When hon. gentlemen say they have discharged their duty to the empire by giving the motherland that trade preference, and that consequently they were justified in sending the contingent over c.o.d., I take issue with them on both those points. I say it is just the other way : The contingents should be sent as a free gift, and there should have been no trade preference unless Canada got a trade preference of a similar character in return. But the empire to-day is being gradually welded together. Great Britain is passing to-day through a crisis, but the empire is gradually growing together. The people are looking forward to some kind of new movement, to some kind of new Imperial policy. Now what is that new Imperial policy to be ? If there is one thing that is forcing itself upon the attention of the people of the whole empire, whether in Great Britain, or in Canada, or in Australia, it is that the empire must no longer be exploited for trade purposes by outside and hostile nations. That is something that is coming home to the people of the empire from one end of it to the other, and most of all it is coming home to the people of England, to the people of Canada, to the people of Australia- that the empire is not to be exploited any longer for trade purposes in favour of the workingmen and capitalists of the United States. That is the great fact that is coming home to the people of the empire whether in the old land or in Canada, and it is the people of Canada who have led the way in that respect.
Now the great argument is that the empire is to be Americanized, and Mr. Stead lias led in advancing that argument in a book which he issued recently. He holds out that the empire is being Americanized in various ways and it is in danger of being
Americanized, it is in danger of being exploited for the benefit of the American people, of the American workingmen and the American farmers and capitalists. There is only one tiling that is to prevent it, and what is that ? I have made the suggestion before that I make now, I think it is a practical suggestion, and it is this : That the Canadian system of national policy should be expanded into an Imperial policy for the whole empire. It will mean, a revolution in the fiscal policy of the old land. But they have asked us to make suggestions. and I am taking the liberty of making this suggestion, that the people of the old land should change their fiscal policy and adopt what we have found here to be equal to the occasion. We say to them : Tour country will not be exploited, the empire will not be Americanized, if you will adopt this system. I have some hope that they will do so. I believe if the suggestion is made to them, if the right hon. gentleman when he is asked to make suggestions next dune, if he is true to his country, if he is true to the policy that he is carrying out here to-day, he will suggest to them that the national policy which has succeeded in Canada is applicable to the empire and will succeed for the empire, and will build it up in the same way. Now it may mean a great many changes. It may mean that England shall adopt customs duties, it may mean that England will have to adopt a system of export duties, or rebates, or reciprocal treaties, some of which she has already. It may mean that she will have to adopt reciprocity in tariffs, and it may mean that she will have to adopt all the things that protective nations have adopted. But if she does adopt them she will find that they will hold the empire together, and they will keep it from being exploited by those hostile nations, and there is no other way of doing it.
There is no other solution for the problem but for the empire to adopt some kind of protection, some system like the one we have here in Canada to-day. That protective system, that parental system, call it what you may, has succeeded in the United States. It has made the United States the greatest country In the world. It has put. the United States in the position that it holds to-day. a menace to the trade of all the rest of the world, and it is certainly a menace to the trade of England. The trade of the United States is growing, the trade of England is declining ; and there is only one way, to my mind, whereby a stop can be put to that state of things, and by which the empire can be built up, just as the different states of the American union were built up, and that is by the adoption of the principles of protection. I hope that when the Prime Minister goes over to England he will admit that he is a protectionist, that he is building up his country by customs duties, by rebates, by bounties on production, by subsidies to steamship lines, by the



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employment of every arrow in tlie quiver of protectionists. He is hound to do that. He is bound to make that suggestion to the empire when he goes over there; he is bound to say it has succeeded in Canada, that it has succeeded in the United States, that it has succeeded iu Australia-because they are going in for it there. There is no other way of unifying the empire, of binding it together, of promoting trade between the different sections of the empire, than by adopting a system of protection, or some system which will preserve the empire from exploitation by outside and hostile nations.
Now this principle of protection, which I say is just as good for the whole empire as it is for Canada, what is it based on ? What is the difference between it and the principle of free trade ? Free traders have always said that their principle was based on the brotherhood of man, they have always been preaching that. Well, it is not the brotherhood of man that rules to-day among nations, it is the law governing the struggle for existence that rules. Englishmen have been misled. For years and years they have been talking about the brotherhood of man, and now they are up against a struggle for existence. Ollier nations do not reciprocate. When England lias opened up her markets to all these hostile nations, they have not shown any brotherhood, but they have exploited England. So that, the brotherhood of man is not a safe principle to go by and we must recognize the other principle that national life is a struggle for existence; therefore, each nation must take care of itself. Those who have favoured this free trade argument have also said that the least government is best. The contrary is true and with the growth of civilization the responsibilities and duties of government increase. Leave trade alone ? No. As civilization increases the responsibilities of government increase, and you must do more and more for your country and not leave trade alone. The law with all these nations is a law of enlightened selfishness and that law must govern the empire, if the empire is to hold its own. The empire must find means of adopting an imperial policy on the lines which have been adopted in this country. The best proof of that system is that in the United States, where protection has been adopted, and where it lias been carried out to the largest extent, it has resulted in two things. It has cheapened production and it has built up the country in a way that enables it to antagonize every other country in the world. If that is so, surely the time has come when the empire must adopt the protective system. A great result will follow from the adoption of the protective principle by the empire, and what is it V The moment the empire adopts the principle of protection and encourages trade between the different sections of the empire, that moment will the empire be treated better by these hostile nations. I do not say Mr. MACLEAN.
that we can teach the Americans a lesson by giving them a reciprocity of tariffs, but I believe they will learn something if some such treatment is accorded to them, and the first thing you will see is, that the moment the American nation finds the English market refused to it and a preference given to Canadian products, it will treat the British Empire in a very different way. You give the Canadian farmer a preference iu the English market and keep out the American farmer, and the latter will assuredly do all he can to check the tail twister of the Eastern States. The Americans will change their whole attitude to the motherland and the empire. The moment a protective system is adopted from one end of the empire to the other, we will see the attitude of the Americans towards the motherland and towards this country greatly changed, and changed iu the interest of the empire and of Canada. If that is the case, if the government of to-day is actually carrying out the principle of protection. if the attention of the country is called in the Speech from the Throne to the fact that the Prime Minister has been asked to go over to the motherland to take part in the coronation ceremonies and offer suggestions there, the Prime Minister is bound, when he goes over this coming summer, to say that the reason why Canada to-day is prosperous, as we have been told it is prosperous, is because we have adopted a national system of protection, that we are succeeding'iu it, that the United States has succeeded in carrying out that same principle, and that the empire will succeed if that principle is adopted for the empire. That is his mission, that is the duty before him when he goes over this summer. Will lie discharge that duty ? I say that he is bound to discharge that duty in the light of the statements made here this afternoon. This country, which is protectionist, this country, which resorts to customs duties, which gives a bonus on production and which proposes reciprocal treatment-
Mr. HOLMES.: No.


William Findlay Maclean: An hon. gentleman says no. I heard of a minister in the present government who said that the time had come when we will have to have reciprocity in treatment and reciprocity in tariffs, and we were told that there were to be no more missions to Washington. If this country is prosperous, as they say it is, and it is prosperous by reason of the principle of protection, then the Prime Minister is bound when lie goes to England to advocate the adoption of the principle of protection and all that it involves to the empire at large. If that is done, the empire is bound to adopt a tariff for the empire, to have preferential trade between the different sections of the empire and a reciprocity of tariffs as between the empire and outside hostile nations. Then will the empire grow together and resume its old time leadership of the world. There

is no other future for the empire than the adoption of the principle of protection, and the point I wish to make after what we have . heard this afternoon, is that the government, and especially the right hon. gentleman, are in duty bound to lay before the different members of the empire, when the consultation takes place during the coming summer the fact that protection must be the basis of the fiscal policy of the empire at large. That I consider to be the most important issue before the people of the country and that is the reason why I have brought it up here to-night. I have brought it up because if I have heard anything at all this afternoon I did hear the leader of the Liberal party declare in so many words that the principle of protection had made Canada prosperous, and if it has made Canada prosperous he should recommend the empire to adopt a similar policy.


Joseph Henri Napoléon Bourassa: Mr. Speaker, it was not my intention to follow in the debate, but as I have an amendment to offer to the address', I would ask the government to consent to the adjournment of the debate, because this will raise a discussion. Therefore, I move the adjournment of the debate. Before the motion is adopted, as I would not like to take the government or the House by surprise, I am ready to give the text of my amendment which I will move on Monday. The text of my amendment will be this :
That the time has come when a railway policy should be framed by which the people of this country could expect some return for the enormous sacrifices they have made in order to further the development of their avenues of trade ; and especially to prevent our railway systems from falling under the control of foreign railway corporations.


[Stage Direction]
Motion agreed to, and debate adjourned.
The PRIME MINISTER moved :: That the order for the consideration of the motion for an address to His Excellency the Governor General in reply to his speech at the opening of the session, have precedence over all other business except Introduction of Bills, until disposed of.


[Stage Direction]
Motion agreed to.

[Stage Direction]
Mr. SPEAKER informed the House that the Clerk of the House had received from the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery a certificate of the election and return of George Riley, Esq., for the electoral district of Victoria, B.C.
On motion of the Prime Minister, House adjourned at 9.10 p.m.
[Stage Direction]
Monday, February 17, 1902.