Dissociating functor-argument structure from surface phrase structure: the relationship of HPSG Orde
Recent work on order domains and linearization in HPSG, and also conceptually related work in categorial grammar, is argued to mirror the key ideas that motivated the separation between c-structure and f-structure in the earliest work in LFG (Bresnan 1982). This paper argues that: (i) to be descriptively adequate, all constraint-based frameworks do indeed need a dissociation between functor-argument structure and surface phrase structure, (ii) while linearization HPSG can technically be regarded as a one-level/one-stratum architecture, the complex attribute-value matrix representations proposed are better thought of as encoding multiplèvirtual levels', and (iii) once this is noted, there is a general equivalence between the analyses that can be proposed in linearization HPSG and LFG, although certain diierences are noted. grew out of a structuralist tradition that assumed a rather close relationship between units of functor-argument structure and units of surface phrase structure { indeed they hewed to this line closely, since they denied the need for transformational operations, which much of modern linguistics has used to produce dissoci-ations between the two (as in Chomsky (1957) and subsequent work). In contrast, Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG: Bresnan 1982) was designed to easily permit a much looser relationship between these two notions, and, recently, cases of marked deviation between these two levels have led researchers in HPSG to adopt an order domain or linearization frame-Special thanks to Ivan Sag for catching an analytical oversight in a previous version. I hope it is now somewhat clearer what I am trying to do.